Episodes
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I remember when, as a child, this time of year was filled with unmitigated joy. Like Ralphie in “A Christmas Story,” dreams really could come true. But as a nine-year-old boy, I never thought to ask Santa for a Red Ryder Carbine Action 200-shot Range Model Air Rifle. By the time I was nine, I didn’t believe in Santa, and my best friend already had a BB gun. We didn’t need two.
Almost fifty years later, most of that joy has returned for me, and it’s no mystery how. I really only have two holiday goals. First, as a gift to myself, I keep it simple. Next, all of my “shopping” for others is replaced with simple acts of kindness.
Johns Hopkins Medicine writes, “4 Mindful Tips to De-Stress This Holiday Season,” to describe a plan that can make a difference for many. I don’t teach math, but even I can count to four.
The first tip is to “accept imperfection.” Over the years, I’m glad I didn’t keep track of all the angst the drive for the perfect family holiday caused people around me. Clark Griswold’s failed attempt at it in “Christmas Vacation” is hilarious, yes, but only unusual in the details. Hosting or participating in the “perfect” holiday is a goal fraught with peril.
The crowded house I grew up in was the entirety of my holiday universe then. School would be out for two whole weeks, there was no available room for pesky relatives to stay, and the food, oh the food, was the primary feature of every one of those days. The holidays of my childhood were perfect, right? Of course they weren’t, and even though I remember them as if they were, I wasn’t the one creating them. The adults did.
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It’s been fifteen years since the state of Indiana violated the sixth commandment, “you shall not kill,” from Exodus 20:13. The translation of the original text to “you shall not murder” in the last century by many churches is not without controversy. Professor Wilma Ann Bailey of the Christian Theological Seminary devoted an entire book to the debate in 2005.
Either way, Indiana is scheduled to kill Joseph Corcoran on December 18th. His sentence for murdering four men in 1997 was upheld last week by the Indiana Supreme Court.
It’s a sad truth in a modern society that 60% of Americans support this barbaric practice, according to Pew Research. Their research shows minor ebbs and flows of support and opposition over time, which indicates to me that some dramatic change in the national perspective on the matter is unlikely anytime soon.
Twenty-two states use the death penalty as a legal criminal sentence, according to the Death Penalty Information Center. Take a look at that map of states. Now, take a look at the state map from The Guttmacher Institute showing the new restrictive laws on abortion access. It’s not a perfect match, but it’s close. Life is so precious in these states that an embryo is worth statutorily protecting, to the detriment of a human woman. In primarily the same places, a human adult can be destroyed, specifically by the state’s government, because the people of that state are mad at them.
Yes, the reasons states and the federal government sentence people to death is almost always officially for murder, but not every murder, only the really bad ones. I often wonder why this killing qualifies and that one doesn’t, even though deep down I know the answer. Some horrific killing happened in a state and the people responded angrily by adding that type of act to the list of acts worthy of a death sentence. The anger is the key.
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Missing episodes?
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Fans of the movie, “Ferris Bueller’s Day Off,” will remember the scene. Ben Stein plays a famously boring high school teacher giving a lecture about economics to a room full of teenagers fighting to stay awake. In about a minute, he covers the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act and the Laffer Curve, fundamental economic topics, desperately trying to get the students to engage with him.
“Anyone? Anyone…” is the memorable device Stein uses, to no avail, to engage an audience who couldn’t care less.
Some analysts say the economy is the reason voters chose Donald Trump for a second term in last month’s election. His economic plan is rooted in the broad and cavalier use of tariffs on imports from friends and foes alike. Last week, he announced his plan to impose 25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico. The announcement prompted a surprise visit from Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, and a phone call from Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum.
Meanwhile, the American public, particularly Trump voters, remain in an economic daze much like Ben Stein’s class.
The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act was passed in 1930 in an attempt to thwart the impacts of the Great Depression. It was legislation initially designed to provide relief to the American agriculture sector but became “a means to raise tariffs in all sectors of the economy.” It also marked the end of an entrenched Republican platform of protectionist policy making during that era. The policies ended because they were...anyone…anyone? Failures.
Ignorance has become a vital asset in the political space these days. Yes, it is an asset in politics, but it is the devil in economics.
As a political asset, there are voters who believe that simply throwing a tariff at any nation they are mad at has nothing but benefits. Mad at Mexico because of migration? Slap them with a tariff and border crossings will go down, right? A good number of voters believe the answer is yes. Though this is almost entirely wrong, politically speaking, that ignorance served the pro-tariff candidate in November.
Economically however, the only real certainty that a 25% tariff on Mexico will have, is a 25% price increase in America. There actually is no disagreement on how tariffs functionally work, but I will refer to PBS for a simple explanation. Importers here pay the tariff, otherwise known as a tax, and remit that payment to the U.S. Treasury. How they pass that increase in costs along may vary a little from merchant to merchant, but ultimately it ends up in the price the American consumer pays.
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The late John Prine, in his 1971 classic song, “Illegal Smile,” wrote: “You may see me tonight, with an illegal smile. It don’t cost very much, but it lasts a long while.” The journey marijuana has traveled in American culture during my lifetime is a fascinating one. A quick review of the music written about it alone, lays out a chronology of an embattled, yet steady shift in perspective since Prine wrote about it.
Last week, Leslie Bonilla Mũniz wrote for the Indiana Capital Chronicle, “Prominent Republicans back ‘safe and regulated’ marijuana legalization group.” Republicans? Yes, Republicans. This election issue varied in prominence from state to state this year, but one thing that has become clear across the country is that the once prominent partisan lines of disagreement among citizens are gone.
“Safe and Regulated Indiana” has produced a thirty second ad encouraging Hoosiers to contact their legislators to support legalization, though they steer clear of that word. They also don’t announce on their website specifics about who is in their coalition, though I do like the site’s anonymous scroll of individuals, listed by first name and hometown only, showing the volume of support.
It's this anonymity that is easy to identify as a campaign weakness. This is no longer 1971. Supporting a safe and regulated marijuana market in a state surrounded by existing markets, really doesn’t have much risk. More accurately, support is the viewpoint of the majority, just about everywhere in America.
Last year, Ohio voted to legalize marijuana for both medical and recreational use by a 57-43 vote. While Kentucky hasn’t legalized recreational use, legalized medical usage goes into effect on January 1, completing the surrounding of Indiana with markets.
But it’s not just our neighbors. Earlier this month, Florida voted on its own referendum. And while the vote failed to achieve that state’s needed 60% threshold for adoption, it did achieve a 56-44 percent majority of support. Talk about winning by failing.
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I went to see a movie on Friday night. It’s one of my favorite things to do. I can walk to Living Room Theaters from my townhouse in ten minutes, and their popcorn is fantastic. There’s nothing strange about going, except it had been months since I had been there. Now I have been twice in a week.
“A Real Pain” is a new film written and directed by Jesse Eisenberg, who stars in it with Kieran Culkin. They play a pair of mismatched cousins who go on a Holocaust tour through Poland to retrace the experience of their recently deceased grandmother. They are opposites but are united by their shared loss and the enormity of the history they are experiencing.
Life goes on. That was the message I left the film with, though admittedly, I was primarily at the movie for that very reason myself. I recommend my strategy to anyone struggling with the recent election’s outcome.
On Sunday, I deactivated my Twitter/X account. No big deal, really. Except the app had become a habit and ditching it would mean a change in my daily routine. Oh no, not a change! I will admit that all of what I saw on that cesspool wasn’t terrible. But I really didn’t want to give up the Super 70’s Sports feed or Rex Chapman’s account.
I already had a good sized Threads following, but never really liked the clunky and algorithmic control of it. In the days that followed the election, I quickly became exhausted with the vibe there. Doomscrolling, or as my students refer to it, “rotting,” was absolutely that on my post-election-Threads feed. It was filled with people I agree with politically, but most of them seemed to need a fatherly kick in the ass to encourage them to return to the land of the living.
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There is no substitute for just showing up. Sometimes I wish there was one, but there just isn’t.
The relentless polling that exhausted Americans during the last three months of the presidential campaigns never really swung all that much, no matter what the drama of the day was. By the time Labor Day arrived, the persuasion part of the national campaign was largely over.
I was skeptical of every undecided voter this year. The presidential choices were so stark, remaining voter indecisiveness was really about whether they would vote at all, not whether they would choose Harris or Trump.
10 million fewer Americans voted for president this year than in 2020. Based on the estimated adult population in the country of 271 million, that means about 54% of eligible voters participated in the presidential election. That is down from 60% in 2020 but is an identical participation rate to 2016.
The old adage that Democrats perform better when turnout is better rings true again this year. I believe the adage is true on a macro level, and the swings over the last three elections confirm that. But 2020 was a year like no other, so that likely deserves as asterisk more than a medal.
It is difficult for a civic minded person like me to accept that nearly half of Americans aren’t participating in their inherited gift of self-governance. It is truly a gift. And when I say, “it is difficult” to accept these shameful participation rates, I am editing out the necessary profanity while speaking through grinding teeth. What is truly difficult to me, is forgiving those who don’t show up for this most basic civic duty.
That’s America. And that data is maddening in and of itself. But then there’s Indiana.
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Combine the adjectives of anger, fear and apathy to describe any audience, and it predictably equates to trouble. Those descriptors are the features of the American electorate today.
Imagine any organization of people, of any kind, that makes its decisions while grounded in those emotions. What could that collective mindset possibly accomplish? While I’m sure there are some things, they would be few, and for those few, I expect the value of these accomplishments would be minimal, or simply the result of dumb luck. Really dumb luck.
This year’s election, the latest in a string of the most important election of our lifetimes, delivered a litany of results featuring contradictions and just plain thoughtlessness. But that’s what happens when decision makers are mad, scared and don’t care about productive outcomes.
Donald Trump returns to the White House in January for his second, and last, presidential term. He will be inaugurated two weeks after the four-year anniversary of the coup he inspired at the scene of the crime. I’m sorry, I meant crimes, plural. I’m sure the crowd on January 20, 2025, will be an interesting one. There will almost certainly be people in attendance who are on parole because of what they did the last time they were there.
The January 6, 2021, crowd was angry. With rage and denial over their candidate’s defeat, they exploded. No surprise, really. It was and continues to be a coalition united by shared grievances.
It’s remarkable how committed that coalition is to the bit. But what we are learning about the bit, albeit the hard way, is that those who are fueled by grievance will never be satisfied. To satisfy its grievance-based mindset is to eliminate its purpose, its usefulness and its energy. After all these years of watching the MAGA cult, this truth has become abundantly clear.
So, the anger, and all of the things that come with it, is the cult’s most valuable feature.
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Several weeks ago, two board members from the Pre-Law Association at IU came to my office and asked if I could prepare a workshop for the group in late October. I generally say yes to these kinds of things, and I had done one last year for the group about building and maintaining personal networks. Yea, I know that sounds boring, but I deliver it with a great deal of charisma.
This year though, they had a real challenge for me. They wanted me to help them prepare for the inevitable and uncomfortable conversations they were predicting this Thanksgiving. Yes, they know. These are juniors and seniors in college, which means they were primarily juniors and seniors in high school four years ago. Most of them weren’t old enough to vote in 2020, but they remember Thanksgiving that year.
I don’t talk politics with my students. I teach speech, writing and advocacy. Politics is not part of the curriculum of any of my classes and it wouldn’t endear me with students who agree with my viewpoint any way. Further, I wouldn’t want to lose credibility with the students who disagree with my perspective, because contrary to popular belief, I want to teach them advanced communication skills just as much.
That clarification intensifies the request for me. What they needed was help having difficult conversations. Most do. But in my academic work, I am concerned that we aren’t connecting enough at all. This concern comes from my belief that there is no better way to come to know a person than by having a real conversation with them.
Zara Abrams wrote about the research being done in the arena for the American Psychological Association last year. The opening of her article says it well: “Conversations hold immense power. They help us form new connections and deepen existing ones.” That may not inspire a loud, “Amen!” from you, but it does from me.
And being a “loud” listener is one of the keys to a better conversation. Yes, I mean throwing out the occasional “amen” or “preach” to let your conversation partner know you’re listening. But a simple and thoughtful “hmm,” or an encouraging “mm-hmm,” can be just as productive. Those gestures send valuable messages to your talking partner.
Listening, and showing that you are listening, is the key. And while being a loud listener is helpful, asking questions is gold. Nothing leads to conversational connections better than asking questions.
The problem with questions is that all questions aren’t created equally.
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Every so often, the “beat” I cover treats me to a trip down memory lane to the time when I was a public servant. I was a much younger man when I left the government to become a consultant in 2002. And though the details surrounding my old stomping grounds are different, the regulatory compact remains unchanged.
On October 10th, U.S. Senator Mike Braun sent a letter to the Indiana Utility Regulatory Commission expressing his concern about AES Indiana’s petition to transition its two remaining coal-fired generating units to natural gas. It’s the kind of letter I used to receive every week as the executive director of the agency, although this one is a bit more awkward than usual.
I could numb Hoosier brains with all the ways the IURC works, but I won’t. The important thing to know about the agency is that it is in the bad news business. It regulates utility rates. That’s right, when rates go up, the commission is responsible. Luckily, it also approves all of the times rates go down, but I’m having a hard time remembering when that ever happened.
The agency exists and is organized the way it is so that politicians like governors and senators don’t have to deliver this specific type of bad news. Trust me, I spent several years giving ratepayers bad utility news, and the elected officials in the statehouse back then appreciated my work. They would beat me up in public over my insensitive quips to their constituents, then afterward, they would whisper in my ear, “thank you.”
So, when elected officials begin staking out positions on what will ultimately be the decision of the appointed utility commissioners, pay attention. It’s dangerous political territory.
Leslie Bonilla Mũniz wrote how “Braun weighs in on utility’s coal plant conversion ask” for the Indiana Capital Chronicle last week. Is an entire article necessary to explain an ambitious politician’s letter to some sleepy state agency? Actually, it’s worthy of two.
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Election Day is only three weeks away, and as Donald Trump’s third full campaign comes to a close, American voters have a pretty good idea who he is. Imagine having a conversation with a voter anywhere and hearing them say, “I wonder what this Trump fellow is really like.”
One could just listen to the tunes that surround him. It’s not a long playlist.
Vice President Kamala Harris was oddly playing a little bit of catch up when she entered the race as the Democrats presumptive nominee in July. Those of us in the political class knew her well, but apparently some voters needed to learn about or adjust to this late entry to the contest. It’s hard for me to accept something as absurd as that, but I’m working through it.
While large numbers of voters didn’t know enough about Harris, I have to admit that I didn’t know much about her campaign’s theme song, Beyoncé’s “Freedom.” Yea, I’d heard it, but I never really listened to it. It’s played at the places I go. The restaurants, stores and the gyms where I spend time have had it in rotation since it came out in 2016.
“Hey! I’ma keep runnin’ cause a winner don’t quit on themselves,” is the last line of the chorus that hits the hardest for me. Put those words with the power of Beyoncé’s sound, look and aura, and you get a walk up, and a mic drop song all wrapped up into one. It’s been used both ways for many causes over the years because of it.
At the other party’s events, in some other swing state, the song being played is, gasp, “God Bless the U.S.A.” by Lee Greenwood. I’ve kept it to myself for a long time now, but that ends today. It is simply an awful song. Admittedly, it’s simply not my genre, but I don’t know whose it is. I won’t hear it anywhere I go, and if I did, I would immediately leave. It’s a rip off of “God Bless America,” another song that never comes up in anyone’s shuffle.
My favorite line from it is, “’Cause the flag still stands for freedom, and they can’t take that away.” Aah, the generic “they.” That’s who we need to unite against, whoever “they” are. We need to wrap ourselves in the flag and then get out there and bless something. And the music? It sounds like the kind of stuff that was sold late at night on a 1980’s infomercial. It’s just not cool.
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I watched the first Indiana gubernatorial debate with great interest on October 2nd. The hour long event featuring Jennifer McCormick (D) and Mike Braun (R) was only a few minutes in when I could tell this was likely going to be a good night for Democrats. Only a few minutes later, I found myself disappointed because I knew this important moment was not going to be seen by as many Hoosier voters as it should have been.
Americans expect more from political debates than we often get. This year is quite an exception. Both presidential debates delivered, at a minimum, a clear contrast between the participants that should drive decision making for voters. President Joe Biden’s awful debate performance in late June led to a rallying cry from many in his own party for him to drop out of the race. The performance illustrated his greatest vulnerability; that he was just too old for the job.
Importantly though, polling data after that bad night didn’t move all that much. One could conclude it didn’t matter as much to voters as it did to the political class. More likely though, it confirmed pessimism about Biden’s ability to inspire movement in his already sagging position. His eventual and historic withdrawal from the race, and the rallying around Kamala Harris drastically changed everything.
Debates can do that, though they rarely do. Usually, the contests are exercises in bias confirmation. Dr. Conor Dawling, professor of political science at the University of Buffalo wrote, “Debates can help solidify, or reinforce, choices for folks who are already fairly to very certain which candidate they intend to support.” Yes, this is what we normally get out of them.
However, this year’s battles have delivered more than that several times now.
The McCormick/Braun debate last week is one of them. Any objective viewer should have been able to see several things. McCormick had a better grasp of the details of the job. She was better prepared for the predictable questions, and she was confident in her delivery from start to finish.
Braun gave, at best, a lackluster performance that raised more questions than it answered. I first wrote that the Republicans were running a campaign about nothing in its quest for the governor’s office last October. This is the third time I will remind Hoosiers of that sad truth.
I have seen gubernatorial campaigns, and the governing strategies that followed, which seemed to be designed around a “don’t make any mistakes” sort of game plan. Former Governor Evan Bayh was committed to the strategy, and it served him well. Former Governor Mike Pence was also committed to it, though he did make a few large, damaging mistakes during his one term in office.
Braun’s biggest mistake last week, on admittedly a much smaller scale, was comparable to Biden’s June failure. He appeared unprepared for the predictable questions, and his lack of sharpness made him appear old, a critique that he has largely avoided so far. His non-answers to one specific item made it abundantly clear to me that he would not be defending recent comments made by his running mate, Republican lieutenant governor nominee, Micah Beckwith.
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What is the market rate for a governor? Well, it depends on the market of course. In New York, the rate is $250,000 a year. In Maine, it’s $70,000. That makes perfect sense, doesn’t it? These two states might as well be on two different planets after all. It takes five whole hours to drive from Albany to Augusta, a lovely drive that weaves around Boston, where the Massachusetts governor makes $185,000, before the path follows a stretch along the Atlantic coast.
The real answer is there is no “market,” and therefore, there is no “market rate.”
Whitney Downard reported last week for the Indiana Capital Chronicle the details on the new salaries of several Hoosier statewide elected officials. They are hefty raises, featuring the new salary of the governor, of $221,024, making it one of the highest paid in the nation. One market-based argument as to why that is outrageously high could be that the Indiana governor is constitutionally weak and should therefore be compensated weakly.
But let’s be serious. The new salary is still pretty low when considering the demands of the job. So is New York’s. And Maine’s? That salary is absurd.
However, and if I could scream that word I would, being elected to a high-profile position absolutely creates opportunity. It’s just difficult to quantify. These jobs aren’t really jobs. Yes, if done even remotely well, they are work, and a lot of it. But in a market sense, they are more aptly described as “platforms,” not occupations. And so, the salary matters far less than it otherwise would.
Governor Eric Holcomb will end his second term at the end of the year, never receiving the new salary. Tough break, guv. But there will be opportunity for him when his political career is over, assuming this is the end of that. I predict he will do quite well, probably through some sort of “job,” coupled with other income-generating ventures that are minimally reported but highly profitable. After a long career of low and modestly paid political positions, he knows people, he has skills and value, and this is America. Following his post-governor life would be important to Hoosiers, if for no other reason, to contextualize what serving as governor is truly worth.
These salaries, while they are specifically what taxpayers finance, don’t mean much in the end.
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Polling data takes up more space in my world than campaign ads do. It’s truly remarkable. In any presidential election year, I am normally exhausted by every candidate’s pitch on TV by now. Thirty seconds at a time, the sound bites should have already eroded a precious sliver of my soul, and possibly yours as well.
Not this year. Not even on my chosen social platforms am I overwhelmed with the ads, barring a few odd, out-of-state exceptions. Nope. Polling data updates, some reliable and some absurd, is what I see most. Maybe it’s just my algorithm. Maybe I’ve been identified as an unpersuadable, data wonk.
Or maybe the red-state-message in this red state is the problem.
A poll released last week by Destiny Wells, the Democrat nominee for attorney general, was the first public one showing details of two statewide races. The pollster, Lake Research Partners, is reputable. The sampling was appropriate, made up of 51% Republican voters and 36% Democrat. Wells only trails incumbent AG, Todd Rokita, 44-41%. Name identification for the incumbent is understandably twice as high as it is for Wells, which leads me to conclude that the more people know Rokita, the more people don’t like him.
Rokita’s low numbers are easy to explain. He is primarily known for performative antics that deliver nothing of value to Hoosiers, led by his unhinged attack on Dr. Caitlin Bernard for doing her job as an obstetrician. He has solicited complaints against state government, otherwise known as his own client. He has never seen a pro-Trump lawsuit he didn’t volunteer to join. And his law license has been regularly in jeopardy for unlawyerly behavior.
He's simply unpopular. Go figure.
The Indiana governor’s race was also included in the poll, and not surprisingly, it too shows a dead heat. Republican Mike Braun’s 41% to Democrat Jennifer McCormick’s 39% is inside the margin of error. Libertarian Donald Rainwater’s 9% support matters too.
McCormick is polling seven points better than the 2020 Democratic candidate performed. The other two parties are lagging last election’s finish. That’s a meaningful turn.
But Indiana’s still red right? Trump is still the favorite here for president, right? Yes. But his polling strength is also weakening here. He won Indiana by 19 points in 2016, by 16 in 2020, and is polling only 10 points ahead of Kamala Harris in this poll, 52%-42%. Again, this is a meaningful turn.
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Bill Murray once said, “It’s hard to win an argument with a smart person. It’s damn near impossible to win one with a stupid person.” For the objective viewer, whoever that is, I expect Tuesday night’s debate between Vice President Kamala Harris and Donald Trump to feel like this. Afterward, those tuning in to root for their chosen candidate will likely declare victory.
Harris supporters know her and will likely not be surprised by the things she says or the demeanor she displays. Even if she stumbles a little or fails to land the knockout punches Democrats are hoping for, it is unlikely she will lose anyone already on the Harris for President campaign train.
Oh, and she will make her case with the facts. That should matter, plenty, but we’ll just have to wait and see about that.
The contrast Tuesday night’s argument will display most distinctly will be exactly that: fact versus fiction.
Trump will likely try to make his case with hopes of exposing some damaging weakness in Harris. Can he make her seem weak? Can he make her seem unintelligent? Whether he’s having one of his high energy days or another one of the growing number of low ones, it’s unlikely he will make her anything at all.
Most of all though, this debate will be between two people so different in sharpness, age and ability, they won’t appear to be even speaking the same language.
My wife took me to the beach this weekend to celebrate my birthday. On Saturday, an average size boat approached the area where we were camped and dropped its anchor. It had two oversized flags flying from the back of it. One was an old, faded U.S. Marines flag, and the other was a “Trump 2024” flag, that looked fresh out of the box. I couldn’t help wondering what he paid for that one, and how many other versions he had previously bought.
I go to the beach to daydream, so after I cycled through the economics of buying the junk his candidate peddles so shamelessly, I started focusing on the old flag.
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Who is credited with founding the holiday we celebrated Monday? According to History.com, some say it was a man named Peter McGuire, of the American Federation of Labor. Others say it was a man named Matthew Maguire, of the Central Labor Union who proposed it first. If spoken with an average gait, it’s safe to speak either name and still safely sound correct.
Unions have been on a winning streak recently, a trend I expect to continue for the foreseeable future. The trend is good for America, even when it’s inconvenient.
I rolled my eyes a little, OK, a lot, when the Hollywood writers and actors went on strike last year. It was the first time I had a personal stake in a walkout. I had done some, and hoped to do more, consulting on a film that was set to begin shooting in August. The strike caused the project to be shelved, ending my irrational fantasies of fame and fortune. That movie would have been bigger than “Barbie,” according to me.
What could these people who have already “made it” possibly have to strike about? Does Brad Pitt really need better terms? No. But the Writers Guild of America, followed by the Screen Actors Guild, are filled with creators and workers similar to every other industry. And just like industries whose labor struggles have been historically familiar, Hollywood’s impasse was also existential. These strikes became important because they have broadened the discussion.
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It’s the most wonderful time of the year! The fall semester starts this week, and I might be a little too excited. I need to remember to have a little sympathy for my new students, particularly those in my 8:00 am class on Tuesdays and Thursdays. For the rest of their lives, when they hear the term, “morning person,” they will immediately think of me.
Even when my professional world revolved around legislation in the Statehouse, I rarely had business in the realm of education policy. Over the years, I only watched that stuff as a citizen. My sons went to Catholic school, so I felt a little detached from the annual wrangling over what the next moves from the Indiana General Assembly and the Indiana Department of Education would be.
Lately though, the biggest two moves seem to have a common theme: aiming lower.
Last year, Senate Bill 202 was a headline-maker that had folks in the realm of higher education all worked up. Conservative lawmakers were trying to address the reality that college professors tend to be more ideologically liberal or progressive than they prefer. You know, leftists like me are “indoctrinating” young people, not teaching them. It’s a “problem” worthy of an eye roll.
From the perspective of a public university faculty member, I only cared a little about the bill in a practical sense. It never appeared to be impactful on what or how I teach. I already make space for diverse ideological viewpoints when appropriate, and honestly, it matters only in the rarest of circumstances. The “problem” the legislature is trying to solve here is incredibly overblown, and their solution is, in fact, not one. More importantly, that non-solution is expensive.
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Political conventions are not for me. I went to my first one, at the state level, last month and I thought I was going to break out in a rash from what felt like life-threatening inefficiency. Of course, I oppose the existence of big graduations, weddings and funerals too, so maybe the problem is me.
I will begrudgingly admit that all of these ceremonies have a purpose.
The Democratic National Convention is meaningful this year, even to me. I’m still glad I’m not going, and I will only watch it a little. But I will be watching the reaction. I will be watching that like a hawk, since that’s all that really matters.
The 2020 conventions were both turned into Zoom meetings due to the pandemic. The “party” part of the political parties was as bland and uninspiring as the year itself was. Some watched them on TV, though viewership was down across the board except Fox for the Republicans and MSNBC for the Democrats. I tried to watch, I guess, but I don’t remember either one of them.
Even so, voter turnout was juiced in 2020. And when turnout rises, Democrats tend to perform better. That rule applied to Indiana just like everywhere else in America. Pay attention to every race in Indiana that appears to be close at this moment. The new excitement on the Democrat side coming from the new nominees, and now the convention, will help the party in all of the close races.
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Indianapolis has had a bright spotlight on it in 2024. The Olympic swimming time trials in Lucas Oil Stadium, the NBA All-Star game, and the arrival of the biggest name in sports, Caitlin Clark. Now the city is ground zero for something shameful.
Mayor Joe Hogsett is under fire for his mishandling of numerous sexual harassment allegations made against former Chief Deputy Mayor Thomas Cook. The first known allegations were made in 2017, and in recent weeks, extensive reporting has been done on the matter by the Indianapolis Star and Mirror Indy. What we already know from their reporting is terrible.
More terrible news is coming. Count on it.
The book, “Primary Colors: A Novel of Politics” and its movie adaptation have been on my mind the last few weeks. This roman é clef, French for “novel with a key,” was first published by Anonymous in 1996. It’s an insider’s tale of a fictitious southern governor, Jack Stanton, and his 1992 primary campaign for the presidency.
Read the book or watch the movie. “Stanton” is Bill Clinton. The author was later to be revealed as Joe Klein, a columnist for Time magazine who covered Clinton’s real-life 1992 campaign. The book detailing this corrupt, womanizing character, and importantly, his campaign team, was published more than two years before the world met Monica Lewinsky.
Lauren Roberts was a deputy campaign manager on Hogsett’s 2015 reelection campaign. She was apparently the first to complain about Cook’s harassment via email in 2017. Hogsett’s initial unresponsiveness led to her direct, in-person report to the mayor in 2019. Hogsett claims action was taken, though it wasn’t ever communicated with Roberts. She has since relocated to Denver. But she kept all of the receipts.
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The impact of even a provocative social media post doesn’t often linger with me for long. In a presidential election year, even less so. But two of them struck me this week, neither of them mentioning Indiana politics, but to this Hoosier columnist, they feel entirely about us.
The first post came from a politico named Mike Madrid on Friday. Madrid is a Latino campaign consultant, a former Republican and co-founder of the anti-Trump group, The Lincoln Project. He wrote: “There was a time when it could be argued that not all Trump voters were racist, but they were comfortable voting for a racist. Not anymore.”
Madrid was referring to Donald Trump’s outburst during an interview at the National Association of Black Journalists convention last week questioning Vice President Kamala Harris’s rather uncomplicated and well documented ancestry. The racist nature of it was remarkable in and of itself. What is more remarkable, however, is how GOP leaders immediately began repeating the attacks.
Even those who would rather Trump not say these offensive things out loud also didn’t object. As Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once said, “A time comes when silence is betrayal.”
At the top of the GOP ticket in Indiana this election year, are three Trump sycophants: Mike Braun for governor, Jim Banks for U.S. Senate, and Todd Rokita for attorney general. They are all unapologetically devoted to anything and everything the former president says and does. I want their views confirmed on the Harris issue, though I think it’s obvious.
These three Republicans don’t cross their leader. And as Madrid implied, Trump’s racism can no longer be shrugged off as a bug. It’s a feature.
The second post lingering with me came from Georgia Governor Brian Kemp.
Trump was campaigning in Atlanta on Sunday, where he is under indictment for his attempts to steal the 2020 election. While on the stage and in his own social media posts, the former president reignited his attacks on Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, Kemp, and oddly, Kemp’s wife for their collective disloyalty. It was as odd as the Harris ancestry attack in that it makes no sense how it helps Trump’s campaign. Kemp and Raffensperger are both extremely popular Republicans in that swing state. They both responded, but Kemp’s response was troubling.
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I was in the airport two Sunday afternoons ago when I first saw the news that Joe Biden was ending his presidential campaign. I was still there when he followed up a few minutes later with his endorsement of Vice President Kamala Harris. By the time I happily put my head on my own pillow that night after a long trip, anyone paying attention could already feel it coming.
Everything about the 2024 presidential election changed last week.
In that week, the newly launched Harris for President campaign raised over $200 million, gathered 170,000 new volunteers, held 2,300 events in battleground states, and in two days on TikTok, attracted 2.9 million followers. Those are some “wow” stats. But none of the data really captures the moment contextually.
Every Democrat who matters endorsed her in that first week. The Clintons, the Obamas, and the leaders of both congressional caucuses have jumped on board. Beyoncé has lent the campaign use of her song, “Freedom,” and I’ve heard it dozens of times already.
Then there are the Zoom rallies. It started with a gathering of black women on July 21st, with over 44,000 participants that led to $1.5 million raised. Black men followed the next day with over 20,000. White women refused to be left out when their call last Thursday had 160,000 participants that raised $8.5 million. White men had 50,000 registered for a call Monday night and that number was still growing as I wrote this.
That’s excitement. That’s momentum. And in a campaign that the Republican nominee has long reduced to a battle of ratings and rallies, a race he was winning before Biden’s departure, he is now getting obliterated. Even polling has begun to shift, with Fox News releasing a poll on Sunday showing favorability flipping in several battleground states to now favor Harris.
Democrats would have always been happy to run solely on the Biden administration’s record. It’s a good one. But the campaign was flailing because it had been reduced to the issue of the president’s age. And the truth is, he is too old to persuade Americans that he’s not. I’m glad he stopped trying.
With the uncertainty of a path forward removed on the Democrat side, the post-convention honeymoon for Republicans ended quicker than it should have too. Ten days ago, they were acting like they had already won. They aren’t anymore.
It’s been a whirlwind for Republicans the last three weeks. Let’s recap.
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