Episodes
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Peter Pellegrini emerged victorious in the second round of presidential elections in Slovakia. Yet, it's apparent that the true beneficiary is the populist Prime Minister, Robert Fico. A shift towards a more Russia-friendly political stance, coupled with Euroscepticism, has now gained solid ground. Tomáš Strážay of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association expresses concerns, but amidst the apprehension, there remains a glimmer of optimism.
A project Protecting European Values. The podcast was co-funded by the European Commission.
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What does "strategic communication" really mean? What is the current state of strategic communication in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland? Kristína Šefčíková from Prague Security Studies Institute and Adam Lelonek, International Republican Institute "The Beacon Project" discuss weaknesses and the best practices of strategic communication in the region.
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Episodes manquant?
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Andreas Metz, Director for Public Affairs at the German Eastern Business Association, highlights Germany's pivotal role in Europe's support for Ukraine. Emphasizing the necessity of collaboration with Poland in the realm of international relations, Metz suggests that Europe must be ready for the increasingly unpredictable nature of American support for Ukraine. Furthermore, he underscores the importance of Kyiv undertaking necessary reforms to align with EU standards. Metz asserts that Ukraine requires swift reforms rather than a hasty shortcut to EU membership.
The podcast was produced as a part of the 5th German-Polish Round Table on the Eastern Europe.
Project partners: Kolegium Europy Wschodniej, Zentrum Liberale Moderne and Austausch e.V., co-funded by Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Warszawa and Fundacja Współpracy Polsko-Niemieckiej/Stiftung Für Deutsch-Polnische Zusammenarbeit. -
In their paper, Pavel Havlíček of the Association for International Affairs in Prague and Adam Balcer from the College of Eastern Europe argument that the Czech Republic and Poland have the potential to serve as a central political nexus for the entire region. In the podcast, Havlíček, the Czech expert, emphasizes the shared political positions between Prague and Warsaw, particularly on issues such as Russian aggression in Ukraine and other pivotal European matters. As the collaboration between the two capitals deepens over time, it holds the promise of not only garnering support from other regional capitals for the collective benefit of stakeholders within the EU and NATO frameworks, but also marginalizing detrimental policies of Hungary's Viktor Orban.
This podcast has emerged as a result of the project "Czech-Polish Cooperation in Eastern Europe at the Turn of New Opportunities" implemented by the Association for International Affairs (AMO) in Prague and College of Eastern Europe (KEW) and was supported by the Czech-Polish Forum.
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Agnieszka Bryc from Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń explain why Russia might be thinking that it is winning the war against the West. Ukraine is only a part of a broader strategy aimed at challenging the current world order. In addition, by supporting i.a., far right and populist tendencies, Kremlin is waging a cognitive warfare against the West.
The podcast was produced as a part of the 5th German-Polish Round Table on the Eastern Europe.
Project partners: Kolegium Europy Wschodniej, Zentrum Liberale Moderne and Austausch e.V., co-funded by Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Warszawa and Fundacja Współpracy Polsko-Niemieckiej/Stiftung Für Deutsch-Polnische Zusammenarbeit. -
The European Union has opted to commence accession talks with Ukraine. Iryna Solonenko, a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Liberal Modernity, underscores the challenging and intricate nature of these negotiations, emphasizing the presence of numerous difficult technical hurdles. She also highlights Ukraine's readiness to undertake essential reforms for full EU integration. At the same time, Solonenko advocates for a transformation within the EU itself to facilitate the enlargement process. Expressing hope, she envisions the end of the war in Ukraine before the conclusion of negotiations, thereby paving the way for the country's accession to the EU.
The podcast was produced as a part of the 5th German-Polish Round Table on the Eastern Europe.
Project partners: Kolegium Europy Wschodniej, Zentrum Liberale Moderne and Austausch e.V., co-funded by Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Warszawa and Fundacja Współpracy Polsko-Niemieckiej/Stiftung Für Deutsch-Polnische Zusammenarbeit. -
Speaking on the role of Russian-language independent journalism, Barbara von Ow-Freytag said that media outlets have to find a way to get through to people in Russia itself, with their audiences often having to resort VPNs or piggybacking through an available service in Russian territory.
Independent outlets provide a window of objectivity in a media landscape which is dominated by Kremlin-backed propaganda. Funding independent media such as Meduza and Dozhd’ [«Дождь»] https://tvrain.tv/ “re-empowers independent thinking [and] gives hope,” says von Freytag.
Apart from larger media organizations, there are a number of grassroots projects also taking hold. Not everyone in Russia supports the Putin regime, not least representatives of the country’s numerous ethnic minorities such as the Buryats and Kalmyks in Siberia and the Caucasus respectively.
A new podcast project called “Govorit Respublika_” [«говоритреспублика _»] https://www.instagram.com/re.public_speaking/ hopes to help “redefine and rediscover identity because there has been a systemic Russification of all the places where ethnic minorities are” in the words of Barbara von Ow-Freytag, who adds that these young journalists “want a future Russia that respects their cultural rights, their language rights and their minority rights.”
The podcast was produced as a part of the 5th German-Polish Round Table on the Eastern Europe.
Project partners: Kolegium Europy Wschodniej, Zentrum Liberale Moderne and Austausch e.V., co-funded by Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Warszawa and Fundacja Współpracy Polsko-Niemieckiej/Stiftung Für Deutsch-Polnische Zusammenarbeit. -
Olha Nykorak, Human Security Coordinator at Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, presents the reciprocal benefits of Ukraine's integration into NATO. The deepening collaboration between the partners is evident in the transformation of the NATO-Ukraine Commission into the NATO-Ukraine Council. Furthermore, Ukraine's military is aligning itself with NATO standards, presenting a valuable contribution in exchange for the Alliance's support in the ongoing conflict against Russian aggression.
The podcast was produced as a part of the 5th German-Polish Round Table on the Eastern Europe.
Project partners: Kolegium Europy Wschodniej, Zentrum Liberale Moderne and Austausch e.V., co-funded by Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Warszawa and Fundacja Współpracy Polsko-Niemieckiej/Stiftung Für Deutsch-Polnische Zusammenarbeit. -
Hungary's Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, faces a formidable challenge as he navigates a complex situation he created. His reliance on European funds to sustain his political influence clashes with the EU's insistence on reforms that pose a direct threat to his government's stability. Compounding this, Orban's pro-Russian stances have eroded trust among his Western partners.
The recent removal of Law and Justice from power in Poland further complicates Orban's situation. Zsuzsanna Vegh, a visiting fellow at the German Marshall Fund, describes the evolving situation. Hungary's government increasingly resorts to illiberal and authoritarian methods to consolidate power. This includes the potential cracking down on civil society organizations and manipulating public opinion through media control.
A project Protecting European Values. The podcast was co-funded by the European Commission.
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Alina Koushyk, serving as a Representative for National Revival in the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, underscores the shared goals of Belarusians and Ukrainians. Their struggles for freedom from Russian colonialism and commitment to European integration are intricately linked. Koushyk further outlines various potential future scenarios, emphasizing the active involvement of Western partners in supporting Belarusian democratic forces.
The podcast was produced as a part of the 5th German-Polish Round Table on the Eastern Europe.
Project partners: Kolegium Europy Wschodniej, Zentrum Liberale Moderne and Austausch e.V., co-funded by Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Warszawa and Fundacja Współpracy Polsko-Niemieckiej/Stiftung Für Deutsch-Polnische Zusammenarbeit. -
Several factors suggest that despite his illiberal rhetoric, the new Slovak Prime Minister, Robert Fico, may not significantly alter the country's policies. Slovakia is deeply integrated into both the EU and NATO, and PM Fico, being an experienced politician, recognizes the importance of Ukrainian independence. Tomáš Strážay of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association also emphasizes the significance of the V4 forum in the region, noting that its informal format facilitates the resolution of profound differences among member states.
A project Protecting European Values. The podcast was co-funded by the European Commission.
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Vit Dostal, the Executive Director of the Association for International Affairs, provides insight into the current political landscape in the Czech Republic. Although the government is facing unpopularity, it remains stable. Conversely, the populist ANO party is striving to garner support by emphasizing three key issues: immigration, the green deal, and sovereignty. It will be intriguing to observe how the situation unfolds in the months leading up to the European Parliament elections.
A project Protecting European Values. The podcast was co-funded by the European Commission.
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Prof. Maria Wincławska from Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń comments on the recent parliamentary elections in Poland. There is a change, but how deep it will go? Poles participated in unprecedented numbers and clearly showed fatigue with illiberal, even autocratic rule of Law and Justice. But is there a real mandated to reform the state and rebuild a true liberal democracy?
A project Protecting European Values. The podcast was co-funded by the European Commission.
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The Black See plays a key role in the Russian aggression on Ukraine. Together with the Caucasus, it also has an important role for the EU and NATO. Despite its crucial position, as well as political and economic weight, the West has neglected the area, as argued by Wilfried Jilge, an expert on Eastern Europe, Ukraine and the Black Sea Region at the Center of International Peace Operations in Berlin. The fault has to be mended.
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Russia is devastating Ukrainian economy. Garry Poluschkin, an economic advisor for the Ukrainian government in a project financed by the German Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, describes the current needs and the level of support Ukraine required at the moment. At the same time, the expert underlines that there are discussions about the post-war reconstruction and the reforms that Ukraine will have to implement in order to attract investment and ensure compliance with EU requirements. A perspective of EU membership would attract investors and help the country.
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The Russian invasion of Ukraine caught Germany completely unprepared. Berlin was entangled into a web of mutual economic and political relationships with Moscow. The attitude is slowly changing and the aid to Ukraine is flowing. Germany still has problems with breaking the appeasement attitude and see the aggressor for what it is, as explained by Franziska Davies, a historian of East European history at the University of Munich.
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בני קבוצות ומיעוטים אתניים, דתיים ומגדריים שונים נפלו קורבן למדיניות הגזענית של הרייך השלישי. 21,000 מבני רומה וסינטי נרשמו בבירקנאו. עקב מחלות, רעב והשמדה מתוכננת, רק כל אדם שביעי מתוכם הצליח לצאת בחיים מן המחנה לאחר סיום המלחמה
תמותה גבוהה במיוחד נרשמה גם בקרב כ-15,000 שבויי מלחמה סובייטים שהובאו למחנה. חלקם, בעיקר נציבים פוליטיים, לא נרשמו ונשלחו מיד למותם. רק מעטים מתוך 12,000 השבויים שנרשמו במחנה הצליחו להינצל. שבויי מלחמה שהגיעו לאושוויץ לאחר פלישת גרמניה לברית המועצות ב-1941 עונו, נשלחו לעבודה המפרכת ביותר וקיבלו את היחס הגרוע ביותר מבין קבוצות אסירים אחרות, למעט יהודים. מצבם השתפר בהדרגה מאמצע 1942, כאשר הגרמנים נזקקו ליותר ידיים עובדות. תחילה שבויי המלחמה הרשומים קיבלו מספר על גבי שאריות בד קטנות שהם היו אמורים לתפור על מדיהם. אולם, כיוון שהיה שיעור תמותה גבוה בין האסירים, לא פעם ניכסו לעצמם אלו שהיו עדיין בין החיים חלקים מהמדים של עמיתיהם המתים או שלקחו אותם בשלמותם, מה שהוביל לאי-סדר ברשומות המחנה. מכאן עלה הרעיון לקעקע את המספרים בצד השמאלי של החזה. רק מאביב 1942 הגרמנים החלו לקעקע באופן שיטתי את מספרי כל האסירים הרשומים על האמה השמאלית שלהם
כ-400 "חוקרי כתבי הקודש", שכיום אנו מכנים עדי יהוה, גורשו גם הם לאושוויץ-בירקנאו. הם נשלחו למחנות הריכוז עקב השתייכותם הדתית. הם סירבו לא רק לשירות צבאי, אלא אפילו לעבודה בתעשיית הנשק – מה שהיה מנוגד לחוק ברייך השלישי. הם הורשו לצאת לחופשי בתמורה לוויתור בכתב על עקרונותיהם הדתיים, אך איש לא חתם על מסמך מעין זה באושוויץ-בירקנאו
קשה מאוד לקבוע במדויק כמה הומוסקסואלים הגיעו למחנה. לפי ממצאיו של בּוֹגְדָן פּיֵינְטקָה ממוזיאון אושוויץ-בירקנאו, היו כנראה 77 מהם, אך יָאצֶק לָחֶנְדְּרוֹמציין כי החוקר הגרמני רַיְנֶר הוּפְשִׁילְד טען כי במחנה היו למעלה מ-130 אסירים כאלה. אי הדיוקים נובעים מהסימון המעורפל שלהם. חלקם סומנו במשולשים ורודים בהתאם לסעיף חוק העונשין שעסק בהומוסקסואלים, אך היו גם כאלה שסומנו במשולש אדום שייצג אסירים פוליטיים או משולש ירוק שייצג אסירים פליליים. עם זאת, מחקרם של ההיסטוריונים מצביע על כך שהאסירים הללו השתייכו לקבוצות שזכו ליחס הגרוע ביותר במחנה
הפודקאסט נוצר במסגרת פרויקט של הקרן המזרח אירופאית על שם יאן נובאק-יז'וראנסקי, במימון משרד החוץ של הרפובליקה הפולנית. פעולה במימון משרד החוץ של הרפובליקה הפולנית בתחרות "דיפלומטיה ציבורית 2022". הפרסום מבטא את דעות המחבר בלבד ואינו מצביע על עמדתו הרשמית של משרד החוץ של הרפובליקה הפולנית
תרגום לעברית: מאיה ברבור
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Members of various ethnic, religious or sexual groups and minorities were victims of the racist policies of the Third Reich. In Birkenau, 21,000 members of the Roma and related Sinti communities were registered. Disease, starvation and later their planned extermination meant that only one in seven of them made it out alive after the camp’s liquidation.
An unusually high mortality rate was also recorded among the approximately 15,000 Soviet prisoners of war brought to the camp. Some of them, in particular political officers, were not registered but were sent to their deaths straight away. Only a few of the 12,000 registered survived. The prisoners of war brought to Auschwitz after the German invasion of the USSR in 1941 were subjected to torture, assigned to the hardest labour and treated worse than other groups of prisoners, with the exception of the Jews. Their situation began to gradually improve from mid-1942, when the Germans needed more hands to work. Initially, registered Russian prisoners of war were given a number on scraps of cloth to sew onto their uniforms. However, it turned out that many were dying and the others were taking parts or whole garments together with the numbers from the dead, which caused confusion in the camp registers. Hence the idea of tattooing the numbers on the left side of the chest. Only later, from the spring of 1942, did the Germans start systematically tattooing numbers on the left forearm of all registered prisoners.
Around 400 “Bible Students”, whom we would now call Jehovah’s Witnesses, were also deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. They ended up in the concentration camps because of their deep commitment to their beliefs. They refused not only military service, but even work in the armaments industry, which was punishable in the Third Reich. They had the possibility of regaining their freedom in exchange for a written renunciation of their religious principles. At Auschwitz-Birkenau, no one signed such a document.
It is extremely difficult to ascertain exactly how many homosexuals were sent to the camp. According to Bogdan Piętka of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum, there may have been 77. Jacek Lachendro points out that German researcher Rainer Hoffschildt puts the number at over 130. The inaccuracies are due to the ambiguous marking of this category of prisoner. Some received pink triangles signifying imprisonment under the paragraph condemning homosexuals, but there were also those who might have received red triangles intended for political prisoners or green triangles signifying criminals. In contrast, historians’ research suggests that these people were among the most mistreated groups.
The podcast was produced as part of the Jan Nowak-Jeziorański Eastern Europe College project funded by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Public task financed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland within the grant competition “Public Diplomacy 2022”. The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of the official positions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland.
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בטרנספורט הנשים הראשון שהגיע לאושוויץ במרץ 1942 היו 999 אסירות גרמניות מרָאוֶנְסְבְּרִיק, שהיו אמורות להקים את מחנה הנשים. באותו היום הגיעה אותה כמות בדיוק של נשים יהודיות מסלובקיה. בתחילה נראה היה כי רשויות המחנה לא ידעו מה לעשות עם מספר כה גדול של נשים, שכן היה קשה למצוא את העבודה המתאימה לכולן. רק בקיץ הועברו רוב האסירות, שממספרן עמד באותה עת כבר על כ-17,000, למה שכונה "מחנה הנשים" [פְרָאוּנְלָאגֶר] בבירקנאו, שם הועסקו בעבודות בנייה וחקלאות. נשים משכילות ובעיקר כאלה שהיו בקיעות בשפות זרות הועסקו במנהלת המחנה, ונשים שהגיעו מתחום הרפואה נשלחו לעבוד בבתי החולים במחנות
הנשים שנכלאו במחנה עברו מהר מאוד שינויים גופניים – כך מציינת תֵרֵזָה ווֹנְטוֹר-צִ'יחִי ממוזיאון אושוויץ-בירקנאו. – כבר בשלב הרישום הראשוני רובן איבדו את שערן וראשיהן גולחו. הן איבדו משהו שמהווה מרכיב של יופי, טיפוח וסימן הכרה של נשיות. האסירות העידו כי הן עמדו בקבוצות עם חברות שהכירו שנים רבות ולפתע לא יכלו לזהות אחת את השנייה. העבודה המתישה במחנה וכמויות המזון המועטות הביאו לכך שהן גם ירדו במשקל, בנוסף להיעדר מתקנים סניטריים והאפשרות להתקלח, שהפכו את עורן לאפור ומחוספס. נושא נוסף שהדאיג את האסירות היה השינויים הפיזיולוגיים: הפסקת המחזור החודשי בעקבות הירידה במשקל, הפחד והחוויות הטראומטיות שעברו בעצמן והיו עדות להן – היא מוסיפה
באוסף המוזיאון מוחזקים מספר דיוקנאות של אסירות שצוירו על ידי זוֹפְיָה סְטֵפְיֵין-בַּאטוֹר. הנשים נראות יפהפיות, בעלות שיער ארוך ולבושות בהידור. אָגְנִיאֶשְׁקָה שֶׁרָדְזְקָ המדגישה כי בדרך זו האסירות המושפלות, חסרות הזהות והחולות השיבו לעצמן לא רק את יופיין, אלא גם את כבודן ואת אנושיותן
הפודקאסט נוצר במסגרת פרויקט של הקרן המזרח אירופאית על שם יאן נובאק-יז'וראנסקי, במימון משרד החוץ של הרפובליקה הפולנית. פעולה במימון משרד החוץ של הרפובליקה הפולנית בתחרות "דיפלומטיה ציבורית 2022". הפרסום מבטא את דעות המחבר בלבד ואינו מצביע על עמדתו הרשמית של משרד החוץ של הרפובליקה הפולנית
תרגום לעברית: מאיה ברבור
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With the first transport of women to Auschwitz in March 1942, 999 German women prisoners from Ravensbrück were brought in to form a women’s camp. An identical number of young Jewish women from Slovakia arrived on the same day. Initially, the camp authorities did not seem to know what to do with such a large number of women. It was difficult to find suitable work for them all. It was not until the summer that most of the already 17,000 women prisoners were transferred to the so-called Frauen-Lager (German: women’s camp) in Birkenau, where they were employed in construction and agricultural work. Educated women, especially those with knowledge of foreign languages, were employed in the administration, and medical staff were sent to the camp hospitals.
“The women who were incarcerated in the camp underwent physical changes very quickly,” says Teresa Wątor-Cichy of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum. “Already during registration at the camp, most had their heads shaved. They were losing something that is an element of beauty, of care, a recognition of being a woman. Female prisoners said that they stood in a group as colleagues who had known each other for many years and suddenly could not recognise each other. Working beyond their strength in the camp and the minimal amounts of food caused them to lose weight. The lack of sanitary facilities, and therefore the possibility to wash themselves, caused their skin to become grey and rough. Another element that was of great concern to the female prisoners were the changes related to physiology: the stoppage of menstruation, precisely because of the loss of weight, because of the fear, the traumatic experiences they went through and witnessed,” she adds.
The Museum’s collection includes a dozen or so portraits of female prisoners drawn by Zofia Stępień-Bator. The women look beautiful, have long hair and are elegantly dressed. Agnieszka Sieradzka emphasises that in this way the humiliated, deprived of identity and ailing female prisoners regained not only their beauty, but also their dignity and humanity.
The podcast was produced as part of the Jan Nowak-Jeziorański Eastern Europe College project funded by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Public task financed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland within the grant competition “Public Diplomacy 2022”. The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of the official positions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland.
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