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Futurism fuelled Italian Fascism, aesthetically; its Russian variant inspired a worker’s revolution and then ameliorated the early years of communism for an erstwhile bourgeois class that then had to behave itself in keeping with proletarian principles.
In addition to the analysis, there is the Manifesto related in full, the preface to a Russian volume of prose and poetry, A Slap in the Face of Public Taste, which stands as something of a manifesto for the Russian Futurists. Then there is the Italian Fascist Co-authored by the writer of the Futurist Manifesto, F T Marinetti.
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Mussolini had been in peacetime editor of Avanti, the main social newspaper. He was now owner of what was to be the essential organ of the Fascist movement in Italy from 1914. This was ‘The People of Italy.’ Here, the Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle or simply the Fascist Manifesto was first published on June 6, 1919.
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Futurism for Marinetti was about capturing the movement of the machine in art, at immeasurable, still more, unimaginable levels of speed prior to the industrial revolution. The motor car exemplified this. Futurism was about both the violence implicit in the impact of industrialization on society as well as the manner of man needed to operate its machinery, and, for Marinetti, the welcome danger of speed for man by means of the machine as automobile.
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Where Italian Futurism exulted the machine, Russian Futurism was more about the folk traditions of the country. Despite the Russian Futurist expressing no interest in paying homage to their Italian forerunners, the movement in both these countries had much in common. Chiefly, a call for a complete break from the past, with the great Renaissance painters like Leonardo and Raphael being ditched alongside writers of international renown, like Pushkin, Tolstoy and Dostoevsky.
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it could be argued that prior to 1909, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti was a failed writer, and that the Futurist Manifesto was something of a publicity stunt. He had had little success with a drama for the stage performed in Paris the same year the Manifesto appeared, and similarly disappointed with an attempt at writing a novel a year later.
He later enjoyed considerably more success with Zang Tumb Tumb, as a self-promoting Futurist. This is a sound poem based on his experience of reporting on the Italo-Turkish war for the French newspaper, Figaro. The onomatopoeic and alliterative elements of this work is somewhat evident in the way his driving into a ditch in described in the manifesto.
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Futurism fuelled Italian Fascism, aesthetically; its Russian variant inspired a worker’s revolution and then ameliorated the early years of communism for an erstwhile bourgeois class that then had to behave itself in keeping with proletarian principles.
Today, Futurism has become part of the consumerist landscape.
Modern smartphone cameras have all manner of devices to recreate the iconography of movement established by Futurist artists like Giacomo Balla and Umberto Boccioni. Moreover, the concept-based multimedia nature of art in the 21st century is evident in art installations rather than room on room hangings of traditional painterly works of art. While this remains part of the movement’s legacy in promotional terms, it acknowledges little of Futurism’s attachment to man and machine in Italy or the folkloric tradition in Russia.
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The claim that Capitalism is subject to periodic crises, with each in turn making life worse for the proletariat, has been central to Marxist thought since 1848, when the manifesto was published more or less at the same time in French, German and English.
The document, itself, reads like a work of Victorian fiction. In English, the modern reader is reminded stylistically of the great European romantic writers, Hugo and Dumas, in original translation, which tends to somewhat obscure the authors’ intentions. This irony, no doubt, would be lost on communist radicals today, when we remember that Marx if not Engels despised both these 19th century French writers.
The analysis looks at the communist position in connection with the recent democratic elections in Germany; excerpts have been taken from the first three chapters of Marx and Engel’s Communist Manifesto. The very short fourth chapter is a call to arms based on what was posited in the second.
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Here, Marx and Engels, discuss three kinds of socialism: Feudal Socialism, Petty-Bourgeois Socialism, and German or "True," Socialism. They talk about each as a stepping-stone to Communism. Each a penultimate stage in the march of history. The literature and no less the readership relating to each is critiqued with contempt. Especially the German ‘philistine’ petty-bourgeoisie:
“To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.”
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Here Marx and Engels state their case for the Communist movement as being in the vanguard or all other workers’ movements. Through the manifesto’s stated tenets, Communism is given a doctrinal importance, with the implication that dissent from other proletarians is as much a threat to the movement as resistance from the bourgeoisie.
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The long history of class struggle is explained in beautiful English, full of Latinate syntax. Marx and Engels then go on in the same rhetorical vein, evocative of Cicero, no less, to describe the way capital in relation to manufacturing has reduced artisanal skills to mere labour, to be bought and sold as any other commodity.
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The German Communist Party (the DKP), campaigning in this year’s German elections had a banner proclaiming Die Krise heißt Kapitalismus! A Crisis Called Capitalism.
This claim has been central to Marxist thought since 1848, when the manifesto was published more or less at the same time in French, German and English.
That there is a state of economic crisis is something most adults living in the west since 2007 -2008 would agree on. At least when looking at the standard of living for the majority. Whether such crises are per se endemic to an immoral system or a manageable side effect of this form of economic relations within society is open to question.
Communism is both the late fruit of German idealism that started with liberal thinkers like Kant and a kind of artisanal good-natured collectivism. The highest of Teutonic aspirations and the humblest of early industrial enterprise. Berlin and at the same time Rochdale. The German capital was the home to ideas such as dialectical materialism and the Lancashire town the place of the first co-op. The two do not always sit well together but both are worthy of equal attention.
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This issue remains all over the media.
Wearing a mask to abide by the law based on the principle of protecting others is an example of negative freedom; choosing to wear a mask based on a concern for the wellbeing of oneself and others is an example of positive freedom.
If someone decides not to wear a mask at all, there might be valid reasons for her or him not to do so. They sometimes find it ill fitting and a problem if they wear glasses, which tend to steam up. Furthermore, they may work in a community where others rely on the ability to read their lips – either partly, for example those working in noisy industrial environments, or more intensively, as with nursing home staff who need to communicate to those of advanced years who are hearing impaired.
The text this month is John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty published is 1859.
Today, Mill would have only recognized the exercising of liberty in the refusal of some to wear a mask if no one else was bound to suffer as a result. A diehard elitist and scourge of politicians, he also would have sided with the scientific community against the mediocrity (if not incompetence) of politicians.
His philosophy was based on the concept of utilitarianism, the overarching maxim of which is “the greatest good for the greatest number.”
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Mill insists society cannot be founded on a contract. It is up to the individual to be conscious of their responsibilities to others. He goes on to make the distinction between moral outrage, where punishment should only amount to the ‘disapprobation’ of others, if those others are in no way harmed by the actions of the individual – and criminal culpability, whenever others are harmed, warranting lawful punishment.
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Mill decries the individual who chooses what is customary in preference to what suits their own inclination. ‘It does not occur to them,’ he says, ‘to have any inclination, except for what is customary. Thus the mind itself is bowed to the yoke: even in what people do for pleasure, conformity is the first thing thought of.’
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Here, Mill bemoans the lack of strong will among the men of his day, comparing them to the kings of Holy Roman Empire who resisted the Popes. He then goes on to dismiss the Protestant mind-set, which, in the form of Calvinism, he detests. It all comes across as uncomfortably elitist today. The tone can be gauged from the following.
If it be any part of religion to believe that man was made by a good being, it is more consistent with that faith to believe, that this Being gave all human faculties that they might be cultivated and unfolded, not rooted out and consumed, and that he takes delight in every nearer approach made by his creatures to the ideal conception embodied in them, every increase in any of their capabilities of comprehension, of action, or of enjoyment.
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This issue remains all over the media.
Wearing a mask to abide by the law based on the principle of protecting others is an example of negative freedom; choosing to wear a mask based on a concern for the wellbeing of oneself and others is an example of positive freedom.
If someone decides not to wear a mask at all, there might be valid reasons for her or him not to do so. They sometimes find it ill fitting and a problem if they wear glasses, which tend to steam up. Furthermore, they may work in a community where others rely on the ability to read their lips – either partly, for example those working in noisy industrial environments, or more intensively, as with nursing home staff who need to communicate to those of advanced years who are hearing impaired.
The text this month is John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty published is 1859.
Today, Mill would have only recognized the exercising of liberty in the refusal of some to wear a mask if no one else was bound to suffer as a result. A diehard elitist and scourge of politicians, he also would have sided with the scientific community against the mediocrity (if not incompetence) of politicians.
His philosophy was based on the concept of utilitarianism, the overarching maxim of which is “the greatest good for the greatest number.”
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The fifth President of the United States, James Monroe, proclaimed in 1823 that the New World, the Western Hemisphere, was closed to further colonization; and that any attempt by the European powers of the Old World, whether Portugal and Spain diminished powers in the south to recolonize or Britain and France in the North to newly colonize would be viewed as acts of hostility.
Yet America’s self-appointed role as protector in the region, and the countries just mentioned, against European expansion was only made possible by the Louisiana Purchase. That is to say the acquisition of mainly swampland owned at the time by France running the entire length of the Mississippi river to the East taking in all its tributaries stretching westwards as far was what was then called New Spain.
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The following is in highly esoteric American legal English. Commentaries of them may be found on the relevant page in Wikipedia - they might almost be taken as plain language translations. The stentorian tone of the original language is emblematic of the arrogance of Empire which, de facto, was what America had become as a result of the First World War.
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It was not mentioned explicitly in the analysis that Lodge had earlier stated his position in a corollary to the Monroe Doctrine following the recent opening of the Panama canal, which was expected expand American shipping (both merchant and Naval) to rival and then supersede that of Britain and Germany.
In a separate development, Japan were rumoured to want to purchase Magdalena Bay on the Baja California Sur on the Baja California Peninsula off the South-West Coast of Mexico. Both Japan and a number of European powers had been using the waters around the bay for whaling purposes.
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The Roosevelt Corollary of December 1904 was made as part this President’s state of the Union address that year. It asserted that the United States would intervene as a last resort to ensure that other nations in the Western Hemisphere fulfilled their obligations to international creditors, and did not violate the rights of the United States or invite “foreign aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations.”
Nine years earlier, Attorney General Richard Olney had warned the British Empire – in dispute with Venezuela at the time – that any interference in Latin America would not be tolerated. The United States under the Monroe Doctrine, would arbitrate between the parties.
The Doctrine was applied more widely in 1905, leading to further U.S. arbitration to end the Russo-Japanese War.
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