Episodi
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Joshua Paisley is joined by Simon Osborne, the actor who played William Pitt the Younger in Blackadder III's opening episode Dish and Dishonesty, for a behind-the-scenes look at one of British sitcom's most beloved political satires. The conversation traces Simon's path from a Cornish village watching Poldark being filmed to landing a Blackadder audition at sixteen - having specifically asked his agent for something like Blackadder - and recalls the moment producer John Lloyd approved his casting on the strength of a falling-apart bow tie and a scruffy carrier bag. From Ben Elton leaning over to dictate entirely rewritten dialogue on the studio floor, to the BBC wardrobe department sourcing costumes directly from Georgian-era political cartoons, and from the real Pitt's six-foot stature and his blocking of the Prince's Regency to the tantalising possibility that Simon may actually be distantly related to the man he played, this episode gets closer than any other to what it actually felt like to be inside the rotten borough of Dunny-on-the-Wold.
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Joshua Paisley speaks with Jem Roberts, author of The True History of Blackadder, about Dish and Dishonesty — the opening episode of Blackadder III and the most political half-hour the show ever produced. The conversation traces how a Robbie Coltrane one-man show about Samuel Johnson accidentally set the whole Georgian series in motion, why an episode recorded one week after Thatcher's 1987 landslide couldn't help but be soaked in electoral cynicism, and how the twin influences of Ben Elton's stand-up and John Lloyd's work on Spitting Image combined to make the hustings scene feel less like a sitcom and more like a puppet show with better dialogue. From the genuinely rotten borough of Dunny-on-the-Wold — with its electorate of one — to the Reform Act of 1832 that eventually swept such absurdities away, and from Prince George's aristocratic indifference to whether any of it matters at all, this episode asks what Blackadder gets right about democracy, what it gets away with, and whether Ben Elton, forty years younger, might finally have gone for the Reform Party joke. to the Polls — Dish and Dishonesty
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Episodi mancanti?
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Ethan Reuter speaks with Sir John Curtice, Professor of Politics at the University of Strathclyde, senior research fellow at the National Centre for Social Research, and one of Britain's foremost election analysts, about the 1997 general election that ended eighteen years of Conservative rule and delivered Tony Blair's Labour Party a majority of 179 seats. The conversation ranges across the sweeping constitutional programme of Labour's first term — Scottish and Welsh devolution, the creation of the London Assembly and mayoralty, the Human Rights Act, and the ill-fated push for English regional government — before examining the political conditions that made such a transformation possible. From the shadow of Black Wednesday and the sleaze that hollowed out John Major's government, to the demographic realignment that saw Labour capture vast swathes of Middle England, and from Blair's mastery of political symbolism and Cool Britannia to the question of whether New Labour was Thatcherism by another name, this episode asks what 1997 truly changed — and what the landslide of 2024 can and cannot learn from it.
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Joshua Paisley is joined by Simpsons enthusiast Damon Balgen to examine two of the show's most politically charged episodes - Two Cars in Every Garage and Three Eyes on Every Fish and Sideshow Bob Roberts - and ask how much has really changed since they first aired in the 1990s. The conversation unpacks Mr Burns' cynically managed gubernatorial campaign, complete with mudslinger, garbologist and a fateful dinner with the Simpsons, before turning to Sideshow Bob's stolen mayoral election, attack ads modelled on the infamous Willie Horton spot, and a Republican Party headquarters that looks fit for Dracula. From voter fraud by deceased pets to the perennial question of whether it's the economy or the character assassination that wins elections, the episode explores what The Simpsons - four decades on - still gets right about political corruption, media manipulation, and family dinner table division. And just how Springfield would handle Brexit.
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John Ault speaks with Neil Forsyth, the writer behind the critically acclaimed BBC Scotland series Bob Servant Independent, about the creation of one of television's most memorable fictional candidates. The conversation traces Bob Servant's origins — from a Dundee cheeseburger van owner replying to spam emails to the self-appointed saviour of Broughty Ferry's local by-election — and explores what makes him such a sharply observed portrait of a certain kind of political hopeful. From the relentless self-belief and legacy-hunger that drives Bob into the race, to the structural appeal of election campaigns as a writer's device, and from Brian Cox's unlikely comic turn to the real-life Dundonian publican who ran on a roadkill platform, this episode examines why fictional elections so often reveal the truest things about the real ones — and why Democracy Volunteers considers Bob Servant Independent among the worst portrayals of elections ever made.
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Ethan Reuter speaks with Iain Dale, award-winning broadcaster, author, and political commentator, about the 1979 general election that ended five years of Labour government and brought Margaret Thatcher to power as Britain's first female Prime Minister. The conversation traces the decade of industrial strife and economic malaise that set the stage for Thatcher's victory, from the collapse of post-war Keynesian consensus to the Winter of Discontent's rubbish-strewn streets and unburied dead. From James Callaghan's fateful decision not to call an election in October 1978 to the pioneering political messaging of the "Labour Isn't Working" campaign, and from the IMF crisis that shattered national confidence to the monetarist ideas Thatcher magpie-like assembled into what would become Thatcherism, this episode asks whether 1979 was an election the Conservatives won or one Labour simply couldn't avoid losing — and what its legacy means for opposition parties rebuilding today.
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Ethan Reuter speaks with Professor Stephen Fielding, Emeritus Professor of Political History at the University of Nottingham, about the 1964 general election that brought Harold Wilson's Labour Party to power after thirteen years of Conservative rule. The conversation explores the context of Britain's economic decline, the Profumo affair, and the modernising rhetoric of Wilson's "white heat of technology" speech, while examining whether the election truly delivered the transformational change it promised. From Alec Douglas-Home's aristocratic disadvantage in the television age to the racist campaign in Smethwick, and from the Liberals' surge to Labour's wafer-thin majority of four seats, this episode unpacks one of the closest elections in modern British history and questions whether its legacy matches its reputation.
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Ethan Reuter speaks with Professor Stephen Fielding, Emeritus Professor of Political History at the University of Nottingham, about the 1964 general election that brought Harold Wilson's Labour Party to power after thirteen years of Conservative rule.
The conversation explores the context of Britain's economic decline, the Profumo affair, and the modernising rhetoric of Wilson's "white heat of technology" speech, while examining whether the election truly delivered the transformational change it promised.
From Alec Douglas-Home's aristocratic disadvantage in the television age to the racist campaign in Smethwick, and from the Liberals' surge to Labour's wafer-thin majority of four seats, this episode unpacks one of the closest elections in modern British history and questions whether its legacy matches its reputation.
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Democracy Volunteers deployed observers across the Netherlands for the parliamentary elections in October. Deploying 32 observers and experts, 25 of whom were based in the European Netherlands and the other 7 on the BES islands of Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba.
Democracy Volunteers has now observed in The Netherlands on 8 separate occasions, deploying 99 observers, across 63 of the 345 municipalities and special municipalities, attending 619 polling stations, observing 19,833 voters casting their votes. We have spent 308 hours in Dutch polling stations. On average we have spent 47 minutes in each polling station during these 8 observations.
You can read the full report on the Democracy Volunteers Website: www.democracyvolunteers.org
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One of the world's largest technology companies has made protecting elections a core part of its mission — but why does a tech giant care about democracy, and what exactly is it doing? In this episode, Lily Russell-Jones speaks with Dave Leichtman, Microsoft's Senior Director of Global Elections, about the company's work safeguarding democratic processes around the world. The conversation explores the threats facing modern elections, from foreign interference campaigns by state actors like Russia, China, and Iran, to the spread of AI-generated deepfakes and misinformation. Leichtman explains how Microsoft works with election officials and observers to enhance cybersecurity, combat phishing attacks, and block the generation of deepfakes during election periods. He discusses the company's AccountGuard programme, which protects political campaigns from hacking attempts, and its partnerships with organisations like Democracy Club in the UK and the National Association of State Election Directors in the US to ensure accurate election information reaches voters. The episode also examines the productive uses of AI in election administration — from translating voter materials to processing campaign expense reports — while addressing concerns about the technology's potential to undermine trust, displace workers, and erode critical thinking skills. Drawing on his experience observing elections in Zimbabwe with the Carter Center, Leichtman reflects on the importance of end-to-end transparency in democratic processes and the critical role of election observers as human rights defenders.
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Lily Russell-Jones explores the government's plans to expand acceptable voter ID to include bank cards, a key part of wider electoral reforms announced in July. The episode features Professor Ed Fieldhouse from Manchester University, who discusses research from the British Election Study showing that around 5% of voters lack valid photo ID, and how this disproportionately affects younger, less affluent, and geographically disadvantaged groups. The conversation examines the balance between election security and voter access, with insights from Adam Diver, a veteran unable to vote at the last election, and Megan Fitzgerald from the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, who provides an international perspective on voter identification requirements. From the impact on turnout to the state's responsibility to prevent disenfranchisement, this episode offers a comprehensive look at one of the UK's most debated electoral reforms.
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Harassment and abuse directed at political candidates and elected representatives is on the rise — the Electoral Commission found that 70% of candidates experienced abuse or harassment at the 2024 general election. In this episode, Lily Russell-Jones explores the growing crisis and what's being done about it. She speaks first with Hannah Phillips of the Joe Cox Foundation, which campaigns for safer, more respectful political culture in the wake of the tragic murder of MP Jo Cox in 2016. Hannah discusses the many forms intimidation takes, from online threats to in-person harassment, and how it is deterring people — particularly women — from entering politics. Later, former MP Lisa Cameron, who served East Kilbride, Strathaven and Lesmahagow from 2015 to 2024, shares her personal experience of threats during her time in Parliament and reflects on the government's proposed reforms, including plans to remove candidates' addresses from public records and introduce tougher sentences for those who harass electoral staff. Together, the conversations offer a clear-eyed look at a problem that threatens not only the safety of those in public life, but the openness and health of our democracy.
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Twenty percent of voters cast their ballot by post at the 2024 general election, but is postal voting working as it should? In this episode, Lily Russell-Jones speaks with John Ault, Director of Democracy Volunteers, about the rising challenges facing postal voting in the UK—from missed deadlines and delayed deliveries to the particular struggles of overseas voters. Through Stephanie Carlton's story of being unable to vote despite applying on time, the conversation explores how administrative bottlenecks and an overstretched postal service are undermining democratic participation. John argues that while recent government reforms extend deadlines and allow emergency proxies, they don't address the fundamental problems with postal voting, including susceptibility to family voting and logistical failures. With only six percent of overseas voters in Australia successfully returning their ballots on time, should the UK be looking beyond postal votes to in-person alternatives—such as embassy voting and advance polling hubs? This episode examines whether convenience has come at the cost of reliability, and what it would take to truly enfranchise the 1.5 million Brits living abroad.
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With dozens of English councils facing local government reorganisation, the government has given 63 authorities until 15 January to request a delay to May 2025 elections. In this episode, Lily Russell-Jones speaks with Peter Stanyon of the Association of Electoral Administrators about the unprecedented dilemma facing local democracy. Should elections proceed as planned, or should councils postpone to focus on reorganisation? The conversation explores the tension between democratic accountability and resource constraints, the Electoral Commission's strong objections to delays, and the real-world challenges facing electoral administrators caught in the middle. From the cost of democracy to concerns about councillors serving six-year terms without facing voters, this episode examines a critical moment for local governance in England.
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In this After Dark special, host Joshua Paisley speaks with Professor Steve Fielding about the 1972 Oscar-winning film The Candidate, released just months before Richard Nixon's landslide victory over George McGovern. Robert Redford plays Bill McKay, a handsome young radical community lawyer picked to run an unwinnable California Senate race against an 18-year Republican incumbent—on the promise that since he can't win, he can say whatever he likes.
Professor Fielding explains how the film reflects the fractious Democratic Party of 1972, moving left with candidates like Eugene McCarthy while Nixon peeled away white working-class Democrats on racial lines. McKay resembles Robert Kennedy and especially John V. Tunney, the real 36-year-old idealist who won California's Senate seat in 1970. The scriptwriter Jeremy Larner had worked for McCarthy, and director Michael Ritchie had worked on Tunney's campaign—they knew what they were depicting.
The conversation explores McKay's journey from principle to product. At the start, asked about busing to integrate schools, he declares "I'm in favour of it." By the end, he says "we need to look into it." His campaign managers cut his hair, change his ties, edit his factory visits into dynamic clips while suppressing footage of angry Black women at a community hospital. The film shows the alienating reality of 1970s campaigning—the distorted shopping mall speech where he can't see or hear his audience, getting punched in a urinal, ticker tape parades—all still closer to real people than today's complete abstraction through screens.
Professor Fielding reveals the real John V. Tunney lasted just one term before being swept out in 1976, predicting McKay would likely do the same—or quit in frustration, wondering "what am I here for?" The film's most depressing insight isn't that villains corrupt candidates, but that the process itself inevitably does. It ends with McKay's famous line after unexpectedly winning: "What do we do now?"—a question he can't answer because he's no longer the person he thought he was.
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In this After Dark special, host John Ault speaks with Ursula Buchan, granddaughter of novelist John Buchan and author of the definitive biography Beyond the 39 Steps, about how elections shaped her grandfather's fiction. Before becoming famous for his spy thrillers, Buchan spent years as the prospective Conservative and Unionist candidate for Peebles and Selkirk, visiting every farmstead in the Scottish Borders and attending hundreds of village political meetings—experiences he would mine for his novels.
The conversation explores the most famous election scene in British fiction: Richard Hannay's impromptu speech in The 39 Steps, where an innocent man on the run gets dragged onto a political platform and must improvise a rousing address. Ursula explains how Buchan used this device to satirise the Liberal candidate "Sir Harry" spouting aspirational nonsense about the German menace while Hannay knows there's a real spy ring operating—Buchan's way of suggesting Liberals were dangerously unworldly about what was coming in 1914.
But The 39 Steps isn't Buchan's only election novel. In John McNab, three eminent men behaving badly hide out during a poaching adventure while attending a political meeting in a Masonic Hall packed with 2,000 people—where Buchan skewers both the witless Duke who introduces the speakers and the cabinet minister who spouts the same platitudes he's said a hundred times before. In Castle Gay, published in 1933, Buchan explores the rising threats of communism and fascism through another by-election, having recognised that these movements could manipulate "the plain man who now has a vote."
Ursula reveals how Buchan understood media power long before most—writing press communiques from GHQ under Field Marshal Haig, serving as Lloyd George's Director of Information, and overseeing propaganda films including The Battle of the Somme. When Hitchcock adapted The 39 Steps in 1935, Buchan famously told British Gaumont directors it was "much better than the book"—understanding that film was a different medium requiring different storytelling, and that media could be harnessed for good or corrupted for ill. From political humbug to the power of newspapers, this episode explores how a man who never actually fought a general election became one of the great chroniclers of British democracy in fiction.
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Celebrate the season by supporting democracy. Our Christmas Auction is now live, with 100 unique lots to bid on – from unforgettable experiences to signed memorabilia and festive treats. Every bid helps us train observers and protect transparent, fair elections across the UK and beyond in 2026. Bid now, share with friends, and make your Christmas giving count.
https://www.jumblebee.co.uk/democracyvolunteerschristmasauction20251
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In this After Dark special, host Joshua Paisley speaks with Professor Steven Fielding, a political historian at the University of Nottingham, about the 2006 BBC drama The Amazing Mrs Pritchard. Written by Sally Wainwright (who would go on to create Happy Valley and Gentleman Jack), the six-part series imagined what would happen if an ordinary Yorkshire superstore manager won a landslide election and became Prime Minister—on a platform of moving Parliament to Bradford and asking the people what should go in the Queen's Speech.
The series aired in October 2006, just after Labour's 2005 victory on only 35% of the vote—when more people didn't vote at all than voted for Tony Blair. Professor Fielding explains how Ross Pritchard embodied the frustrations of that moment: the sense that left and right no longer meant anything, that Westminster was a bubble of middle-aged men speaking gobbledygook, and that politics could be simple if only someone honest would take charge. She promises never to lie, wins 54% of the vote, and forms a cabinet of women from all parties who somehow get along perfectly—a "benign feminist populist" who declares car-free Wednesdays and lets the people write government policy.
But as Fielding reveals, UKIP saw something else in Mrs Pritchard. They set up a fake BBC page claiming "we are the real Ros Pritchard"—recognising that her populism, however well-meaning, tapped into the same frustrations that would fuel Brexit, austerity anger, and Nigel Farage's rise. While The Thick of It offered no solutions beyond satire, at least Wainwright tried to imagine answers—even if they were naïve. The series ended on a cliffhanger about her husband's money laundering scandal, never to get its second season.
From Westminster bubbles to the danger of authenticity in an age of manufactured politicians, this episode asks whether we'd actually want the honest outsider we claim to crave—or whether Mrs Pritchard really was a feminist Donald Trump.
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In this episode, host John Ault speaks with Chris Mullin, former Labour MP and author of A Very British Coup, about his 1982 novel that imagined what would happen if a radical socialist Prime Minister won a landslide—and the establishment decided to destroy him. Published when Tony Benn was in the ascendant and making the establishment nervous, Mullin created Harry Perkins: a Sheffield steel worker who wins power on promises to scrap nuclear weapons, leave NATO, and restore industries to public ownership.
The conversation explores the real-world inspirations behind the fiction—from Mountbatten's whispered coup talks against Harold Wilson to Cecil King's attempt to install a "businessman's government," and General Sir Walter Walker assembling a private army in the 1970s. Mullin reveals how American diplomats took him to lunch to discuss the "threat" of Michael Foot, how MI5 agents infiltrated CND (exactly as his novel predicted), and how the BBC continued vetting journalists in Room 101 even after being exposed.
When Channel 4 adapted the novel in 1988, Ray McAnally's brilliant portrayal made Harry Perkins briefly a cult figure—though the TV version ended with a car crash rather than Mullin's intended very British coup: no tanks in the streets, just gentlemen in clubs conspiring in Pall Mall. Mullin also discusses his sequel The Friends of Harry Perkins, his cameo as a vicar in the 2012 remake Secret State, and why today's Labour government is "no Harry Perkins"—trapped by tax pledges made to avoid falling into a Tory trap, running a country with a massive majority but only a third of the vote.
From fictional coups to real establishment conspiracies, this is the story of a novel that caught the zeitgeist and gave us a phrase that entered political vocabulary: "a very British coup."
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In 1988, Channel 4 aired A Very British Coup, a political drama that imagined what would happen if a radical socialist Prime Minister won a landslide—and the establishment decided to destroy him. Adapted from Chris Mullin's novel, the series follows Harry Perkins, a working-class Labour leader who promises to scrap nuclear weapons, leave NATO, and restore industries to public ownership. But the intelligence services, civil service, press, and foreign allies conspire to bring him down.
In our forthcoming episode, we'll be joined by author Chris Mullin himself to discuss this BAFTA and Emmy-winning drama that remains one of the sharpest depictions of how unelected power can undermine democracy. What happens when the people vote for change and the system decides otherwise? Subscribe now so you don't miss it.
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