Episodi
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At 8pm on Wednesday night in Israel, PM Netanyahu stunned the country by announcing the immediate firing of Yoav Gallant, the Minister of Defense who has steered Israel through a very difficult period, which is far from resolved. That Bibi and Gallant shared a mutual loathing was no secret. What was surprising was that Netanyahu did this now, in the. midst of a protracted period of conflict as Israel awaits another attack from Iran. This country is stretched to its limits. And we now are dealing with another layer of intense uncertainty. Yaâakov Katz and I discuss the ins, outs and whys. And why now? (I open this podcast with a greeting of âgood morningâ⊠reflecting my hopeless optimism to get this out just a little earlier than ended up happening. Next time⊠Iâll keep it simple. âGood day.â And on that note, I do hope you have a good one.)Follow us @stateofTLV on âXâ.
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Podcast Notes:
Statement by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, this evening (Tuesday, 5 November 2024) [translated from Hebrew]
âAs the Prime Minister of Israel, my chief obligation is to preserve the security of Israel and to achieve our total victory.
In the midst of war, more than ever, complete trust is required between the Prime Minister and the Defense Minister.
Unfortunately, even though such trust was present during the first months of the military campaign, and we had a very productive cooperation, during the past several months this trust between myself and the Defense Minister has begun to crack.
Defense Minister Gallant and I had substantial disagreements on the management of the military campaign, disagreements which were accompanied by public statements and actions that contravened the decisions of the Government and the Security Cabinet.
I have made multiple attempts to resolve these disagreements, but they became increasingly wider. They were also brought to the knowledge of the public in an inappropriate manner, and what is even worse, they have reached the knowledge of the enemy; our enemies have taken great delight in these disagreements and have derived much benefit from them.
Different opinions in open debates, as anyone who knows me can attest to, are my way of holding discussions and consultations, and making decisions. Everyone knows that. However, the increasingly wide crisis of confidence between myself and the Defense Minister had become public knowledge, and that crisis is hindering the continued proper administration of the military campaign.
I am not the only one with this opinion; in both the Government and the Security Cabinet, the majority of the members of which, virtually all members, share the feeling that this state of affairs cannot continue.
In view of the above, I have decided today to remove the Defense Minister from his post. In his stead, I have decided to appoint Minister Israel Katz to this position. Israel Katz has proven his abilities and has made a contribution to national security as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Finance, Minister of Intelligence for five years, and equally important, as a long-standing member of the State Security Cabinet.
Israel Katz brings to the table an impressive combination of rich experience and executive capabilities. He is known as a man of action who combines responsibility with reserved decisiveness, all important qualities for driving a military campaign.
Also, I have spoken today with Minister Gideon Saar and proposed that he join the coalition along with his faction and serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs. As a member of the Government and Security Cabinet for many years, Gideon Sa'ar will bring to the table much experience and consideration in the areas of policy and security, and will be a significant addition to our leadership team.
Different opinions in open debates, as anyone who knows me can attest to, are my way of holding discussions and consultations, and making decisions. Everyone knows that. However, the increasingly wide crisis of confidence between myself and the Defense Minister had become public knowledge, and that crisis is hindering the continued proper administration of the military campaign.
I am not the only one with this opinion; in both the Government and the Security Cabinet, the majority of the members of which, virtually all members, share the feeling that this state of affairs cannot continue.
In view of the above, I have decided today to remove the Defense Minister from his post. In his stead, I have decided to appoint Minister Israel Katz to this position. Israel Katz has proven his abilities and has made a contribution to national security as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Finance, Minister of Intelligence for five years, and equally important, as a long-standing member of the State Security Cabinet.
Israel Katz brings to the table an impressive combination of rich experience and executive capabilities. He is known as a man of action who combines responsibility with reserved decisiveness, all important qualities for driving a military campaign.
Also, I have spoken today with Minister Gideon Saar and proposed that he join the coalition along with his faction and serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs. As a member of the Government and Security Cabinet for many years, Gideon Sa'ar will bring to the table much experience and consideration in the areas of policy and security, and will be a significant addition to our leadership team.
Gideon Saar's addition and the addition of his faction will increase the stability of the coalition and the government, important factors at any time, and especially important in time of war. I am convinced that these steps will reinforce the Government and the Security Cabinet, transforming them into bodies that work cooperatively and harmoniously for the security of the State of Israel, for the citizens of Israel, and for our victory".
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We were lucky to catch Lt. Col. (Res.) Jonathan Conricus in the same time zone and standing still. Today he is an A-list speaker and commentator on the security situation in Israel and the middle east - as well as senior fellow with the FDD - Conricus pulled no punches when speaking with State of Tel Aviv. We discuss Iranâs threats to hit Israel and hard â possibly in the next two days. The likelihood â as we discuss â is that there will be a coordinated attack on multiple fronts by Iran and its proxies in the axis of terror it controls: Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and Hamas in the Gaza Strip â to the degree they are still able to do much militarily. As this war grinds on, and on, Conricus expresses quite intense anger at the ultra-orthodox population and the âshamefulâ political maneuvering that has been the priority among our government leaders. As the death and injury tolls climb, the haredi exemption from military service is quickly becoming a major flashpoint. And the only solution, he says, is to uphold Israeli law and draft these tens of thousands of haredi men who refuse to serve. There is no way to sugar coat this. Israelis must find a way to work together. The threat environment is too intense, unrelenting, and existential. Conricus is on fire today.
Follow us @stateofTLV on âXâ.
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Episodi mancanti?
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We were so fortunate to speak with former MK and UNRWA expert, Einat Wilf, who has been calling out the farce of UNRWA being financed and treated by the world as a humanitarian organization for decades. UNRWA promotes a narrative and policy advocating the destruction of Israel and glorifying terrorism. The mask came off irreversibly on October 7, 2023. New legislation passed overwhelmingly in the Knesset yesterday. And there is no one better to explain what happened and why, than Einat Wilf. This pod is short, sharp and shines light where it needs to be shone. On UNRWA corruption and global apathy regarding the same.
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Podcast Notes:
1. Einat Wilf
Dr. Einat Wilf is the co-author with Adi Schwartz of âThe War of Return: How Western Indulgence of the Palestinian Dream Obstructed the Path to Peaceâ and a former Member of the Israeli Knesset on behalf of the Labor Party.
2. Recent podcast with UN Watch Director, Hillel Neuer, for more background:
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We woke up in Israel on Saturday morning to the long awaited news of an IDF retaliation against Iran for sending 150+ ballistic missiles our way on October 1. The attack, as we know, was a success. Targets hit. Multiple waves of air attacks. And all pilots and planes returned safely. Extraordinary mission. But the real test is whether it will suffice to deter Iran from responding to Israelâs response. Because the next wave will be much more aggressive. We move onto the fierce fighting in the north and the heavy toll it is taking on Israeli reservists, many of them in their 40s and 50s. Yaâakov gets fiery on this issue... being that we are in the midst of Knesset drama, which has the ultra-orthodox parties demanding that legislation enshrining exemption of haredi men from service be passed imminently. It seems especially ill-timed in light of the very dire shortage of IDF troops. The northern front shows no signs of easing up, and Haifa and northern towns and cities are being pounded every day by hundreds of rockets. And as always, we end with the hostages. And try to find a reason to hope.
This episode was recorded earlier today, and I mention a terror truck ramming which injured many civilians just north of Tel Aviv this morning. Initially, it was treated as a terror attack, but authorities are now saying that it may have resulted from the driver having suffered a heart attack.
I havenât had time to check the news now for a few hours. So. Who knows what has transpired since. Thanks for listening.
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Nadav Eyal is one of Israelâs top political analysts and journalists and we are delighted to have him join the State of Tel Aviv for todayâs deep dive into the life and death of Yahya Sinwar. We focus on the impact that his death may have on the possibility of an agreement being negotiated for the release of the 101 hostages still being held by Hamas, many of whom we know are dead. The rescue of the hostages is of critical importance to Israel for so many reasons, among them that âto leave no one behindâ is central to the ethos and cohesion of the state. Should this fundamental value not be seen to be honored by Israeli citizens, the impact would be extreme. Nadav expertly peels the layers of this complex situation that touches on Israeli domestic politics, regional geopolitics and, of course, the western alliance and America. I was keen to speak with Nadav after reading his column in the Israeli newspaper, Yediot Achronot (largest circulation print newspaper in Israel), on the weekend, in which he touched on many of the issues we discuss here. Have a listen.
Podcast Notes
Nadav Eyal is among Israelâs top journalists and is a past recipient of the Sokolov Prize, the equivalent of a Pulitzer Prize for journalists in Israel. He is the author of several books as well.
This year, he is living in New York City with his family and has been appointed Senior Research Scholar in the Faculty of International and Public Affairs; Adjunct Professor of International and Public Affairs at Columbia School of International and Public Affairs.
Further detail about Nadav Eyal may be found here.
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We depart from our usual Sunday review with Yaâakov Katz and bring you this short and intense immersion in the weekly rallies in support of hostages and their families. These events take place all over Israel every Saturday night. I used to attend them in Tel Aviv. But I have relocated to a kibbutz in the south and instead went to the local gathering. It is worlds away from Tel Aviv. The rally takes place at a key intersection in southern Israel, which was swarmed by Hamas locusts, buzzing around on their motorcycles and in pickup trucks. They slaughtered babies, children, the elderly, families. They dragged terrified people from their beds. They stalked those who attended the Nova Music Festival. Route 232 â which winds its way through the area of Israel closest to the Gaza border â was lined with burned cars and bodies. The weekly rallies occur at the intersection of Routes 232 and 34. Many of those attending these rallies are locals who lived through the carnage, lost loved ones, await the release of family and friends still being held hostage.
We have also posted, below, some photographs from the rally.
Tomorrow â we drop a bonus podcast with Israeli journalist and scholar, Nadav Eyal, doing the usual focus on whatâs going on in the bigger picture â although we focus heavily on the hostages. This is widely perceived to be a moment of opportunity to re-align power in the middle east. And that must include the hostages.
Thanks for being here.
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Lt Col Jonathan Conricus and I dig into the overwhelmingness of life in Israel these days. We're both pretty seasoned and hardened, but things here just seem to continue to ramp up, not down. As Conricus says in our discussion, he emerged from 25 days of no news or connection to the outside world following his observance of Yom Kippur and was amazed by the enormity and pace of activity. There is a lot going on. We spend the first bit of the podcast today discussing the sharp rise in domestic terror attacks by Israeli Arabs, something that tends not to receive much attention internationally. This disturbing trend is also complemented by terrorism within Israel committed by residents of the West Bank who enter Israel illegally. And then there's the regular stuff. We discuss Iran in detail. As we wait for the Israeli retaliation. Conricus has done significant work analyzing potential targets in Iran, political considerations, and more. See the link in the podcast notes below for the work he has done on identifying potential targets in Iran. This work is done in his capacity as a senior fellow at FDD, a Washington-based think tank. We are now hunkering down for yet another holiday on the Jewish calendarâthis is a very busy time of year. Let's hope it's peaceful.
Podcast Notes:
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As 9.5-million Israelis wait⊠and wait⊠the assumption is that Israeli and American government and military officials are working âround the clock to assess and decide which targets to hit. In the Islamic Republic of Iran. In retaliation for the launching of close to 200 ballistic missiles at Israel on October 1. When will Israel strike? How hard? Each âŠ
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Editorâs Fix: In the podcast I refer to 97 hostages. Some media refer to 97. That number includes those captured on October 7. When 101 is used⊠it includes four hostages held by Hamas since 2014.
It is significant that the one year mark of what was perhaps modern Israelâs darkest day falls between Rosh HaShanah and Yom Kippur. This ten-day period, known as the Days of Awe, is a time when Jewish people are meant to reflect on the past year. To take stock of their inner life, unsparingly. And if they have wronged someone they are expected to seek forgiveness, but only if they do so with humility. Unreservedly.
Whether one âbelievesâ or not, this coincidental timing is profound.
On Monday, October 7, I woke up very early. at 6:30 am, just one minute later than the beginning of the horrific attack of that Black Sabbath, one year ago. We had dreaded this day for so long. And here it was. I set out in late morning for the site of the Nova Music Festival. To get there I drive along Road 232, which was an alley of death one year ago. At the site, I spoke with bereaved family members, among them Shlomo and Rita Krief. They lost their 17-year-old son, Shahaf, at nearby Zikim Beach, one year ago. As often happens in Israel, so many strangers came together to comfort Shlomo and Rita, who were inconsolable.It was a spontaneous gathering and I learned so much and felt so deeply. This vignette is a sampling of how immeasurably October 7 impacted this country and, I expect, will remain with us for decades. Perhaps centuries.
The way in which families have been treated by the current government has stoked anger and bitterness, regrettably. In so saying I am acting as the conduit for the bereaved. It is something that I heard and was repeated all over Israel last Monday. This is not an issue of partisan politics. Not right or left. This is about abandonment. Not fulfilling one's duty. That is how so many feel today.
And that was very evident in the backstory - which we tell - and the main event commemorating October 7. The Bereaved Families Memorial Ceremony. It was held on Monday night at Yarkon Park in Tel Aviv. Survivors, bereaved, artists, singers. Two thousand people convened for this ceremony that was organized by the brother of a hostage who had been killed in error by the IDF. It was an extraordinary event, televised live in Israel. Not a single government representative or official was included or invited. We tell you why.
In this podcast, I take you on the journey I went on last Monday. It has overpowered me all week. And it is so appropriate to share on this day, just before Kol Nidre, Erev Yom Kippur. The Day of Atonement. You will hear direct, raw testimony. Mournful but hopeful song. Real. Raw. In the moment.
If you want to understand the mood in Israel today, I urge you to watch the ceremony in full. Or dip into the clips we have provided, below.
Podcast Notes:
* Bereaved Families Memorial Ceremony at Hayarkon Park, Tel Aviv, Monday, October 7, 2024:
* Clip from full ceremony of an interview with Yuval Tabelsi giving testimony about her experience at the Nova Festival one year earlier and how she is coping with the loss of her husband. As there are no English subtitles I have provided a quick translation, following:
The clip opens with Yuval at the dumpsite near the Nova Festival where all the incinerated cars have been taken. She says it is her first time there and she is looking for their car. She very much wants to find the car - something that was theirs at their last moments together. She speaks about how well-suited and happy they were together and moves into a recounting of their final moments. They were trapped at an intersection. He told her to fold in on herself and hide as much as possible. He shouted âShema Yisrael,â and said he hoped they come through this. She says she believes that Mor understood he would die there. She heard only gunshots, saw her husband dead. And she and her friends smeared Morâs blood on themselves so that if the terrorists come by the car they will think that they are dead. They heard horrible sounds; including a woman being raped. In her life, she says, she has never heard such screams for help. She said - âMor - I donât know where you are now. But if I am going to die - at least not like this.â Every time she visits Morâs grave, she saysâŠâŠshe sings to him Ivri Liderâs song, âI Had a Chance to Love.â :
* Clip of Israeli music legend, Ivri Lider, singing "I Had a Chance to Love", inspired by Yuval's love story, so tragically cut short. Ivri is joined on stage towards the end of the performance by Yuval. The Hebrew lyrics are subtitled in English; and
* Clip of remarks at the October 7 ceremony of Rafi Ben Chitrit, father of a fallen soldier. Remarks are subtitled in English.
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Exactly one year ago, journalist Amir Tibon waited in his safe room with his wife and two young daughters. For help. For the army. Someone. Hamas terrorists rampaged through his kibbutz, yelling âAllahu Akhbarâ ceaselessly. They fired their machine guns constantly. They burned homes and threw grenades into rooms where they knew civilians took shelter. They murdered wantonly. And they took hostages. They tried, several times, to shoot open the door to the Tibon house. For some reason they were unable to open it. Amir and I discuss that black sabbath, his familyâs life today, returning to live on the kibbutz and the continued captivity of his neighbor and friend, Tzachi Idan.
We then speak with Adam Maâanit and Heidi Bachram, a couple living in Brighton, U.K. They are both prominent activists for the hostages and combatting antisemitism. Adam is also Tzachi Idanâs cousin. They share with State of Tel Aviv their battle to bring Tzachi home and the indescribable Jew hatred that they have encountered, unabated, in the U.K. and online. You can hear the anguish in Adamâs voice, as he speaks of his cousin, who watched his eldest daughter murdered before his eyes, helpless to do anything to save her. Tzachi was then force marched, barefoot, covered in his firstbornâs blood, to the Hell of Hamas tunnels.
Following the introduction, I speak with Amir Tibon and at approximately 23:00 the interview with Adam and Heidi begins.
Am Yisrael Chai.
Podcast Note
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This is a public episode. If youâd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.stateoftelaviv.com/subscribe -
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After almost two months in Canada and the U.S. itâs great to be back in Israel. I awoke Sunday morning to news of a new operation in the Gaza Strip and hoped that it meant we were rescuing hostages. Alas, itâs more about preventing Hamas fighters from regrouping. More like whack-a-mole. You battle in one area, move onto the next, and they return to the âŠ
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Everything in Israel seems like a Hollywood action movie that never ends. It has been a wild two weeks. Exploding pagers. Walkie talkies. Daily assassinations of high level Hezballah commanders and leaders. And it all culminated in the assassination of Hezballah leader, Hassan Nasrallah on September 27. Israel continues with targeted operations in Beirut and south Lebanon. Iranian Supreme leader Khamenei fulminates. On âXâ, anyways. Seems thatâs all heâs been doing, posting rants and threats about the Zionist menace. Vows of revenge. The Houthis are popping off missiles at Israel. And the world waits. Will Iran attack? Will Israel attack Iran directly? Where is western leadership? We get into those questions and more. And we even muse about a curious tweet by Jared Kushner, Trumpâs son-in-lawâŠ.that lays out a thoughtful analysis of the situationâŠ..albeit heavy on the political spin. And Kushner is not known for sharing his geopolitical thoughts publicly. And post editing, just read of a strike on a villa near Damascus that may have killed Syrian President Bashar al Assadâs brother, who was meeting with senior IRGC officials. This is unconfirmed by an authoritative source. But the X account that posted their information is reliable. Just another Sunday with Viv and Yaâakov.
See links for additional information on the podcast, below.
Podcast Notes
See links below the photograph of Prime Minister Netanyahu delivering his speech at the United Nations General Assembly on Friday, September 27 to the transcript of his remarks as well as the video of his speech.
Below is the full text of a post made on "X" on Saturday, September 29.
Jared Kushner / @jaredkushner
September 27th is the most important day in the Middle East since the Abraham Accords breakthrough. I have spent countless hours studying Hezbollah and there is not an expert on earth who thought that what Israel has done to decapitate and degrade them was possible. This is significant because Iran is now fully exposed. The reason why their nuclear facilities have not been destroyed, despite weak air defense systems, is because Hezbollah has been a loaded gun pointed at Israel. Iran spent the last forty years building this capability as its deterrent. President Trump would often say, âIran has never won a war but never lost a negotiation.â The Islamic Republicâs regime is much tougher when risking Hamas, Hezbollah, Syrian and Houthi lives than when risking their own. Their foolish efforts to assassinate President Trump and hack his campaign reek of desperation and are hardening a large coalition against them. Iranian leadership is stuck in the old Middle East, while their neighbors in the GCC are sprinting toward the future by investing in their populations and infrastructure. They are becoming dynamic magnets for talent and investment while Iran falls further behind. As the Iranian proxies and threats dissipate, regional security and prosperity will rise for Christians, Muslims and Jews alike. Israel now finds itself with the threat from Gaza mostly neutralized and the opportunity to neutralize Hezbollah in the north. Itâs unfortunate how we got here but maybe there can be a silver lining in the end. Anyone who has been calling for a ceasefire in the North is wrong. There is no going back for Israel. They cannot afford now to not finish the job and completely dismantle the arsenal that has been aimed at them. They will never get another chance. After the brilliant, rapid-fire tactical successes of the pagers, radios, and targeting of leadership, Hezbollahâs massive weapon cache is unguarded and unmanned. Most of Hezbollah fighters are hiding in their tunnels. Anyone still around was not important enough to carry a pager or be invited to a leadership meeting. Iran is reeling, as well, insecure and unsure how deeply its own intelligence has been penetrated. Failing to take full advantage of this opportunity to neutralize the threat is irresponsible. I have been hearing some amazing stories about how Israel has been collecting intelligence over the past 10 months with some brilliant technology and crowdsourcing initiatives. But today, with the confirmed killing of Nasrallah and at least 16 top commanders eliminated in just nine days, was the first day I started thinking about a Middle East without Iranâs fully loaded arsenal aimed at Israel. So many more positive outcomes are possible. This is a moment to stand behind the peace-seeking nation of Israel and the large portion of the Lebanese who have been plagued by Hezbollah and who want to return to the times when their country was thriving, and Beirut a cosmopolitan city. The main issue between Lebanon and Israel is Iran; otherwise there is a lot of benefit for the people of both countries from working together. The right move now for America would be to tell Israel to finish the job. Itâs long overdue. And itâs not only Israelâs fight. More than 40 years ago, Hezbollah killed 241 US military personnel, including 220 Marines. That remains the single deadliest day for the U.S. Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima. Later that same day, Hezbollah killed 58 French paratroopers. And now, over the past six weeks or so, Israel has eliminated as many terrorists on the US list of wanted terrorists as the US has done in the last 20 years. Including Ibrahim Aqil, the leader of Hezbollahâs Islamic Jihad Organization who masterminded the 1983 killing of those Marines
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In the podcast introduction, I mistakenly refer to Mr. Neuerâs testimony before a Congressional Committee as having taken place on January 24, 2024. The correct date is January 30, 2024
Hillel Neuer may well be a familiar name to State of Tel Aviv listeners. As Executive Director of UN Watch for twenty plus years, Neuer has been an unwavering force holding the United Nations human rights organizations accountable. Accountable for their constant haranguing of Israel â which the UN holds to a different and impossible standard â and the pandering of UN bodies to countries and terror organizations which egregiously violate human rights. I had an in depth conversation with Hillel earlier this summer about how UN Watch exposed the head of the UNRWA teacherâs union for openly supporting Hamas. And how the head of UNRWA â Philippe Lazzarini â just bowed to the will and ways of these bad actors. It is a fascinating look into the important work undertaken by Neuer which, for the most part, is a lot of old school research, slogging and thinking. A masterful â and theatrical orator â Neuer is at his best when lashing UNRWA and others before various officials around the world. We start off todayâs podcast with some of the comments he made today to the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva, before looking back at some of his extraordinary accomplishments since October 7. And he is just revving up.
Podcast notes:
* Transcript of written remarks delivered by UN Watch Executive Director, Hillel Neuer, before the UN Human Rights Councilâs 57th session on September 26, 2024 may be read here.
* Video of Hillel Neuer addressing the United States Congress House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Joint Hearing of the Subcommittee on Oversight and Accountability and the Subcommittee on Global Health, Global Human Rights and International Organizations, January 30, 2024. The video can be viewed here. In the accompanying transcript of Mr. Neuerâs remarks there are multiple hyperlinks to the detailed material UN Watch has gathered to support these claims of URWA collusion with Hamas on October 7, before and since.
* News clip from ILTV reporting on the âkidnapâ of the body of Yonatan Samerano by UNRWA workers and throwing his body onto an UNRWA truck on October 7, 2023. ILTV news story is from February 22, 2024 and can be viewed here.
* The link to the UN Watch website can be accessed here. We encourage you to peruse the site, which is a trove of information regarding all manner of human rights issues.
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What else? The pager caper. We talked walkie talkies. And what it all means in the longer run. Is it a serious blow to Hezballah or a warning shot? In the meantime, in spite of massive Israeli air force attacks on rocket and missile launch sites in Lebanon, Hezballah is managing to shoot off hundreds of rockets. They are pounding northern Israel, particularly in the area between Haifa and Nazareth, hoping to hit a large air force base in the vicinity. Instead, they have had numerous direct hits on civilian homes and other buildings. As does everyone, we wonder if there is a strategic plan for war on the northern front, which is not yet apparent. We marvel at the brass-knuckled maneuverings of PM Netanyahu â keeping his political âcolleaguesâ and foes on guard. And, as always, we close with the hostages, who are coming up to a year in captivity. One year.
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Kidnapped brutally from her parentâs home on Kibbutz Beâeri on October 7, 39-year-old Carmel Gat survived 11 months in a Hamas tunnel dungeon. Starving. Filthy. Abused. Humiliated. Living in barbaric conditions. Somehow, she survived, along with five other young Israeli hostages. They were murdered at the end of August with a bullet to the back of the head. Just like that.
Carmelâs cousins, Shay and Gil Dickmann, have advocated ceaselessly for the negotiation of a deal for the release of all hostages. This family has been devastated. Carmelâs mother, Kinneret, was murdered on that dark day. Her sister-in-law, Yarden, was kidnapped. She was released in November, when Carmel was on the list to walk to freedom. But Hamas reneged and the deal collapsed.
Many in the west are critical of people like Shay and Gil Dickmann for âstrengthening the enemyâ and âplaying into the hands of Hamas.â By protesting, goes the argument, they weaken the state of Israel and make us all more vulnerable. Clearly, they see things differently. And I thought it would be very helpful for their voices and passion and compelling logic to be heard by as many as possible.
Ask yourself as you listen to them⊠what you would do in their situation.
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As always it has been a crazy week in Israel. As we approach the one year mark since the October 7 attack the country remains numb. But the fury with the Netanyahu government continues to build. No one accepts his explanations for why we have not brought home the surviving hostages. One year on. And his attempts to explain and justify this national disgâŠ
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I spoke last night with our frequent guest, former IDF spokesperson, Lt. Col. (Res.) Jonathan Conricus, to focus on what many outside Israel find to be a very confusing state of chaos. There is a government that has made clear that a red line â an inviolable boundary in its negotiations for a hostage deal with Hamas â is that it will not abandon the Philadelphi Corridor. Shortly after this position was made public in a leaked recording from an Israeli security cabinet meeting, the bodies of six hostages were found in the Gaza tunnels. They had been murdered by Hamas a short time before. And their deaths enraged the nation. Were their murders avoidable? Was PM Benjamin Netanyahu being callous to their plight in sticking to this position? Or was he steeling and doing what is necessary for the future of Israel? Listen to our discussion in which we explore this horrible dilemma.
Below, just received before publishing this podcast episode, is the transcript of PM Benjamin Netanyahuâs remarks to the international press at 8pm (Israel time) today, Wednesday, Sept. 4. His very full statement stands as a robust response to many parts of our podcast. I suggest reading the statement in full.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Remarks at his Press Conference for the Foreign Media
Following are Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's remarks, this evening (Wednesday, 4 September 2024), at the GPO in Jerusalem:
"Israel is experiencing days of horror, sorrow and rage. A week ago, we experienced such horror.
Yesterday, I visited in Ashkelon the family of one of the hostages murdered in cold blood. A day earlier, I spoke to several of the families of these murdered hostages. It tears your heart out. I said to them that I'm sorry. I apologized that we, we didn't get them out. We worked so hard to get them. We were close. But we didn't. And they changed the torment of families worried about their loved ones to families grieving for their fallen beloved. That sentiment I know because I belong to that family. But it's a horror.
We also lost brave policemen and brave soldiers who were fighting in the Gaza front and I embraced their families as well. All our people do.
On October 7th, we experienced the worst savagery in this century. On October 7th, we experienced the worst savagery meted on the Jewish people since the Holocaust. These savages massacred our people. 1,200 civilians. They beheaded our men. They raped our women and then murdered them. They burnt babies alive. They took 255 of our people hostages to their underground dungeons. That's a horror that the world saw and responded to initially.
It's important that we remember it. But we were given a reminder. A terrible reminder. Last week, when these savages murdered six of our hostages in cold blood. They riddled them with bullets. Then they shot each of them in the head. Some of them several times.
And these are the savages, these are the terrorists that Iran implanted next to our border as elsewhere. And we're committed to defeating them, to extirpating this evil from our midst. I want to talk to you today about some of the things that we must do to achieve that goal, including the questions of the Philadelphi Corridor.
But before I do that, I want to give your readers and viewers some context because often you see maps of Israel. You think it's a Goliath.
Well, I'd like to give you first an overview of where Israel is. (Click here for a PDF file.)
This is the Middle East, and this is the entire Arab world, and this is Israel. It's one of the world's tiniest countries. I give it the, you know, the thumb test. This is a big one, so you need a bigger thumb. But it's a tiny country. It's one of the tiniest countries on the planet. It's, I think one tenth of one percent of the territory of the Arab world, maybe I'm wrong. Maybe it's two tenths of one percent.
It goes from the river. The river is right here. That's the Jordan River. To the sea, the Mediterranean Sea. So, when Hamas is talking about liberating Palestine from the river to the sea, basically, what they're saying is destroying Israel.
And the entire width of this, it's probably around the width of the Washington Beltway, it's all together in its widest point is about 50 miles. Right here. Tiny.
And here's Gaza there. This is the red thing that you see here. That's Gaza. Now I want to zoom in. When I zoom in, remember how tiny this is. Remember the distances here.
Now, take a look. Here it is enlarged. This is Israel. This is the Mediterranean Sea. The Jordan River is right here.
This is Egypt and the Sinai desert. Now, look at Gaza. Where is Gaza? Gaza is implanted in this tiny country 30 miles from Tel Aviv, 40 miles from our capital Jerusalem, 30 miles from Beer-Sheva. These are three of Israel's largest cities. Gaza is within spitting distance to them.
Israel, up to the disengagement agreement of 2005, Israel controlled this border under an agreement with Egypt after the Camp David Peace Accords. We controlled this part, which is called the Philadelphi Corridor, I'll talk about that in a minute, right down to Eilat in the Red Sea. This was our border. And while there was, I would say a minimal amount of terrorism, that wasn't, we didnât really face a big problem.
Let's zoom in on that a bit more. Here's Gaza Strip enlarged. Again, this is the situation in Gaza before the disengagement of 2005. And the Gaza Strip is firmly under Israeli control. We control the maritime border. You can't smuggle in weapons. They tried but we stopped it. You control the land border. And you control this border between the Sinai desert, Egypt and Gaza. The Gaza Strip, it's controlled. This is the Philadelphi Corridor. This is the Rafah Crossing. Controlled by the IDF.
Now look at the distances from Gaza. It's four miles to another city in Israel called Ashkelon, where I visited that bereaved family yesterday. It's a population of 170,000 people. They are four miles away. But some of our communities like kibbutz Be'eri, which was one of the hardest hit, is one mile away from Gaza. Kfar Aza is less than one mile away. It's literally walking distance. Okay.
And so, as long as we controlled this, these communities, sometimes they were harassed by this rocket or that rocket but it was marginal. We controlled the security situation. But something happened in 2005. Israel unilaterally disengaged from Gaza. It just went out. It took out everything. It took out the army. It stripped, uprooted communities, took out 10,000 people.
The army left the Philadelphi Corridor. Here's what happened.
This is Gaza after the disengagement. And Hamas now has a weapon smuggling operation nurtured by Iran, financed by Iran, supplied by Iran, delivered by Iran.
And here's what happened. That Philadelphi Corridor became completely porous. The other borders controlled by us. But once this was perforated, even though the policy of Egypt was to prevent it, you know, it didn't necessarily work, it didn't, it didn't succeed. And this border once we left our side of the Philadelphi Corridor, rockets went in, missiles went in, drones went in, ammo went in, weapons manufacturing equipment came in, tunnel drilling equipment came in.
Once we got out, once we left the Philadelphi Corridor, Iran could carry out its plan to turn Gaza into a base, a terrorist enclave that would endanger not only the communities around it but would endanger Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Beer-Sheva, the entire country of Israel. It became a huge terrorist base because we left that Corridor.
So, we vowed, or I would say, all this, you have to understand that the centrality, the centrality of the Philadelphi Corridor to the arming of Gaza, to the arming of Hamas and this all led to the October 7th massacre, which Hamas has vowed, proudly vowed to do again and again and again.
We vowed that they won't be able to do it. So we said, as far as Gaza is concerned, three war goals: The first war goal was to destroy Hamas's military and governing capabilities. The second was to free our hostages. And the third was to ensure that Gaza never again poses a threat to Israel.
And all three of those goals, all three of them go through Israel's control of the Philadelphi Corridor. And it's obvious why. You want to destroy Hamas's military and governing capabilities â You can't let Hamas rearm. It's obvious. So you have to control the corridor. You can't let them haveâŠby the way, it's not only to prevent them from terrorizing us, attacking us, it's also to prevent Hamas or any other terrorist organization from terrorizing the people of Gaza.
Gaza cannot have a future if Gaza remains porous and you can enable rearmament of terrorists through the Philadelphi Corridor.
The second thing is to release the hostages. First of all, you can't prevent, if you leave this Corridor, you can't prevent Hamas from, not only, not smuggling weapons in, you can't prevent them from not smuggling terrorists, hostages out. It's walking distance, nothing. They can easily smuggle hostages out here to the Sinai desert in Egypt, they disappear. It's crossing distance. The distance is nothing, it's meters, meters away.
They cross the, the barrier above ground. They don't even have to go underground. They disappear in the Sinai and then they end up in Iran or in Yemen. They're gone forever.
And you need something to squeeze them, to prevent them, to put pressure on them to release the remaining hostages. So if you want to release the hostages, you've got to control the Philadelphi Corridor. And the third reason, the third goal of ensuring that we prevent Gaza from being again a threat to Israel. It's clear. Gaza must be demilitarized. And it can only be demilitarized if the Philadelphi Corridor remains under firm control and is not a supply line for armaments and for terror equipment.
I think that's clear to most Israelis, to all Israelis. But a question has arisen: that may be the case, but why don't you leave Gaza for 42 days, you could come back. Well, aside from what I said that they could smuggle the terrorists out. I want to show you what they've got under Gaza. I didn't show you that. So I want to show you that.
This is what they have under the Philadelphi Corridor. Just so you understand the supply lines we're talking about. This is one of the tunnels there. Look at the engineering, look at the investment here, look at what they've got. We've got dozens of such tunnels, dozens of such tunnels, underneath the Philadelphi Corridor. To give you an impression of the size of these things: This is a soldier. This is a tunnel. You could drive a truck through this. Indeed, you could. Here's a truck, or it's a Humvee. This is a huge, huge problem.
Now, you're just going to walk away? It's obvious we have to control it, right? I think, once you see this, you understand that? But then the next question is, okay, you leave and you come back. That's what they tell us. Okay. We'll have complete international legitimacy to come back. Sorry, we've gone down that route. We were down that route when we left Lebanon, and people said you can leave Lebanon and you can come back. The first time they fire a rocket you can come back, the world will support you. It didn't. And we've been out of Lebanon for 24 years.
They said the same thing when we left Gaza in the disengagement. They said, you can leave, and the first rocket. I remember, Prime Minister Sharon said this to me. The first rocket above ground or below ground, we'll be able to go back in. It's been 20 years and we haven't gone back in. Because you all know and understand that the international community, including friendly countries, under enormous domestic pressure because of the propaganda that's leveled against Israel and against them, there'll be enormous, international pressure not to come back. What is their message? End the war. End the war. And so, when we want to come back and resume, we'll pay an exorbitant price in many fields, including in the lives of our men.
To come back? It's not a just a military question. It's a military, political, strategic question. And we make that decision. We're not going to leave. 42 days? We're there. I don't want to leave in order to come back in, when I know that we didn't come back in. And it's not going to take another 24 years to come back in. And God knows what price we'll have? How many more massacres? How many more kidnappings? How many more hostages? How many more rapes? It's not going to happen.
So, people said, yeah, but if you stay, this will kill the deal. And I say, such a deal will kill us. And there won't be a deal that way. This is a false narrative. I'm willing to make a deal. I made one already, one that brought back 150 hostages, 117 alive. And I'm committed to return the remaining 101. I'll do everything I can to get them in.
But leaving Philadelphi does not advance the release of the hostages, because the deal cannot be advanced. They'll give you a minor part if they give anything, and keep the rest. Go and argue. You know when they started giving us hostages? When we went into Philadelphi. When we went into Rafah. When we controlled the Rafah Crossing. That's when they felt the pressure. As long as they didn't feel the pressure, they wouldn't do it. The first batch, the first deal that we got, was a result of our invasion, the military pressure we put in. They gave us the hostages. After that, they thought, well, you know, we'll have the international pressure turn on Israel so we won't have to do, we won't have to make any concessions. But after Rafah, their tune changed, and they began to change. If we leave Rafah, if we leave the Philadelphi Corridor, there won't be any pressure. We won't get the hostages.
I said I'm willing to make a deal. The real obstacle to making a deal is not Israel and it's not me. It Hamas. It's Sinwar. On April 27th, I put forward a proposal by Israel, which Secretary Blinken called extremely generous. On May 31st, having met Blinken again, I said, we agreed to the US-backed proposal, and Hamas refused. On August 16th, the US brought forth what they called the final bridging proposal. Again, we accepted, Hamas refused. On August 19th, Secretary Blinken said, Israel accepted the US proposal, now Hamas has to do the same. On August 28thâthat's a week agoâthe deputy CIA director said Israel showed seriousness in the negotiations, now Hamas must make the deal. This was last week. So, I ask you, what has changed. What has changed in this week? What's changed is that they murdered six of our hostages in cold blood.
Now, the world will seriously demand that Israel make concessions after this massacre? What message does this send to Hamas? I'll tell you what the message is. Murder more hostages, you'll get more concessions. That's not only illogical, it's not only immoral, it's downright insane. So, it's not going to happen. We have red lines before the murder. They haven't changed. We'll hold to them. But we also had flexibility. And I'll tell you one thing, Hamas will pay for this. That you can be assured. We'll make sure that we extract that price from them. But we are firm on our red lines, including the Philadelphi Corridor, for the reasons I described here. I'm flexible where I can be. I'm firm when I have to be.
I think there is a possibility of getting this deal if we stick to this strategy. I said before, we got 150 hostages out because we combined a firm stance with military pressure. And I said that Hamas after that relied on international pressure, but it had weakened. And then we went into Rafah and the Philadelphi Corridor, so it got strengthened, and they were beginning to balk. A condition that they said they'd never accept, a red line, is that we must commit to getting out of Gaza and enabling Hamas basically to take over Gaza again. End the war, get out, let them retake Gaza. That's obviously something we couldn't do.
They said there'll never be a deal. Well, they started caving in there after we took the Philadelphi Corridor. And then they started backing off. You know why they waited? Why they started backing off? Because they waited for Iran to start a general war with Israel. That didn't happen. So then they waited for Hezbollah to start a general war with Israel. That didn't happen either. So now they resort to the final tactic. They're going to sow discord and create international pressure, again using the hostages, even after the murder. And this is something that's not new because they started this a year ago.
You should see this. I mean, this is their tactic. This is Hamas orders for psychological warfare, found in Hamas underground command post on January 29th, that's right after the beginning of the war, 2024. And this is the original document in Arabic. Our soldiers found it.
And here's what it says: Push photos and videos of hostages. Put it out in the media, because that creates enormous psychological pressure. Who's not affected by it? Any human being seeing these souls, these girls, these people, young people from those dungeons, you're affected by. Second: Increase psychological pressure on defense minister. Third: Continue blaming Netanyahu. And fourth: Claim ground operation will not release hostages.
That's Hamas', it's not only their talking points, it's their strategy. And their idea is this will sow internal discord and increase international pressure on Israel. That's what they hope to achieve. And they hope, they think this will happen. Well, it won't happen. I can tell you why it won't happen. I'll tell you why they'll fail. Because overwhelmingly the people of Israel are united. They understand everything that I said here. Overwhelmingly. You should know that. It's important. And the second thing is, we're committed to achieving our goalsâall three goals: Destroying Hamas' military and governing capabilities, releasing all our hostages, and ensuring that Gaza does not become a threat to Israel anymore. And all these require standing firm on the things that will ensure the achievement of these goals. And with G-d's help, and with our people's will, and with the courage of our soldiers, we will achieve all goals."
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Within hours of the shock Hamas attack of October 7, video clips and news reports documenting the unspeakable savagery being committed went viral, globally. Equally shocking was that spontaneous street parties broke out all over Europe, the U.K., America, Canada and Australia. People were jubilant, celebrating the massacre even while it was ongoing. They called for the destruction of Israel. And, bizarrely, as they celebrated the carnage they also denied that Muslims would commit such barbaric crimes. But if they did, well, then it was legitimate resistance. Still in the fog and chaos of this massive terror attack, Israel found itself butting up against a wall of denial. Governments, NGOs like the United Nations, and civilians â saying that it never happened. This is where Mattan Harelfisch comes in. An Israeli man reeling in the immediate aftermath, Mattan could not believe that international media referred to crimes â that were documented by Hamas terrorists themselves â as things that âsupposedlyâ occurred. Supposedly. The world was denying the horror. And so, Mattan spoke to IDF Chief Spokesperson, Daniel Hagari, and by mid-October the 47-minute film of the atrocities was produced and screened for 20 international journalists in Tel Aviv. This is part I of the fascinating back-story of how and why the 47-minute film was made; the objectives, the process, the ethics. Part II of this fascinating discussion will drop next week.
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In short, no one is winning. After almost a year of carnage the stakes seem to only get higher, death tolls climb and rhetoric intensifies. But today was, in this miserable context, a relatively good day, when Israel pre-empted a massive rocket and drone assault by Hezballah which likely targeted civilian infrastructure and military sites. Of 3,000 projectiles that were set up to be launched from underground facilities in Lebanon, only 300 were airborne and they did limited damage. But so much damage has already been done and the beleaguered population of Israel is taut. Former IDF Spokesperson and Lt. Col. (Res.) Jonathan Conricus and I expose the very raw condition of Israelis, many of whom feel utterly abandoned by the government and the army. We seem to be like spinning tops⊠spin, fall, re-spin, fall again. But there is no discernible plan or strategy as to if there is a plan and what that might entail. Even PM Netanyahuâs nerves are frayed. Meeting several days ago with hostage family members, the Prime Minister was sharp with them when they persisted in asking him whether he gave a toss about the hostages. Yes, it was that tense. And Netanyahu chided them, saying that he was fighting to save the state of Israel. As in: I am focused on much bigger issues than your son, or daughter, or husband. Widely reported in the Israeli media, the comment has confirmed the perception many Israelis have of Netanyahu; that he is cold, detached and megalomaniacally focused on his political survival. Power. The moral compass that Israelis felt they had is not being reflected back to them in top leadership. As Conricus so brilliantly distills the crisis: âItâs as if the entire Zionist endeavor relies on 42 days of Israeli control over the Philadelphi corridor.â We unpack it all. Have a listen.
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Yaâakov and I get right into the only issue. The hostage deal. Now that Yahya Sinwar is the leader of Hamas (since the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh almost three weeks ago) he holds the cards. And whether he wants a deal remains somewhat unclear. There are so many contradictory signals. But the deal links everything, it seems. And the U.S. is pushing âŠ
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